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AMERICAN STATE PAPERS. 



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AMERICAN STATE PAPERS. 



DOCUMENTS, --^rJS|:^ 



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LEGISLATIVE AND EXECUTIVE, 



OF THE 



CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES, 



FROM THE FIRST SESSION OP THE FIRST TO THE THIRD SESSION OF THE 
THIRTEENTH CONGRESS, INCLUSIVE: 



COMMENCING MARCH 3, 1789, AND ENDING MARCH 3, 1815. 



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SELECTED AND EDITED, UNDER THE AUTHORITY OF CONGRESS, 

BY WALTER LOWRIE, Secretary of the Senate, 

AND 

xMATTHEW ST. CLAIR CLARKE, Clerk of the House of Representatives. 



VOLUIflE IV. 



WASHINGTON: 

PUBLISHED BY GALES AND SEATON. 

1832. 



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AMERICAN STATE PAPERS. 



INDIAN AFFAIRS, 



1st Congress.] No. 1. fist Session. 



^^ THE SIX NATIONS, THE WYANDOTS, AND OTHERS. 

"^ COMMUNICATED TO THE SENATE MAY 25, 1789. 

Gentlemen qf the Senate: 

In pursuance of the order of the late Congress, treaties between the United States and several nations of 
Indians, have been negotiated and signed. These treaties, with sundry papers respectin.g tliem, I now lay before 
you, for your consideration and advice, by the hands of General Knox, under whose official superintendence the 
business was transacted, and who will be ready to communicate to you any information on such points as may appear 
to require it. 

GEO. WASHINGTON. 
New York, May 25, 1789. 

.Qrticles of a Treaty made at fort Harmar^ the ninth day of January^ in the year of our Lord one thousand seven 
hundred and eighty-nine, between Jlrthur St. Cluir^ Esquire^ Governor of the territory of the United States of 
^imericu northwest of the river Ohio, and commissioner plenipotentiary of the said United States for removing 
all causes of controversy, regulating trade, and settling boundaries, between the Indian nations in the northern 
department, and the said United States, of the one part, and the sachems and warriors cfthe Six Nations, of the 
other part, viz. 

Article 1. Whereas the United States, in Congress assembled, did, by their commissioners, Oliver Wol- 

cott, Richard Butler, and Artliur Lee, Esquires, duly appointed for that purpose, at a treaty held with the said Six 

Nations, viz: with the Mohawks, Oneidas, Onoudagas, Tuscaroras, Cayugas. and Senecas, at fort Stanwix, on the 

twenty-second day of October, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-four, give peace to the said nations, and 

receive them into their friendship and protection: And whereas the said nations have now agreed, to and with the 

said Arthur St. Clair, to renew and confirm all the engagements and stipulations entered into at the before mentioned 

- ^ treaty at fort Stanwix: And whereas it was then and there agreed, between the United States of America and the 

, '( said Six Nations, that a boundary line should be fixed between the lands of the said Six Nations and the territory 

X of the said United States, wliich boundary line is as follows, viz: Beginning at the mouth of a creek, about four miles 

■?r east of Niagara, called Ononwayea, or Johnston's Landing Place, upon the lake named by the Indians Oswego, and 

t^ by us Ontario; from thence southerly, in a direction always four miles east of the carrying place, between lake Erie 

pv and lake Ontario, to the moutli of Fehoseroron, or Buffalo creek, upon lake Erie; thence south, to the northern 

l-i-. boundary of the State of Pennsylvania; thence west, to the end of the said north boundary; thence south, along the 

west boundary of the said State, to the river Ohio. The said line, from the mouth of Ononwayea to the Ohio, shall 

be the western boundary of the lands of the Six Nations, so that tlie Six Nations shall and do yield to the United 

States, all claim to the country west of the said boundary; and then they shall be secured in the possession of the 

lands they inhabit east, nortli, and south of tlie same, reserving only sis miles square, round the fort of Oswego, for 

the support of the same. The said Six Nations, except tlie Mohawks, none of whom have attended at tins time, for 

and in consideration of the peace then granted to them, the presents they then received, as well as in consideration 

of a quantity of goods, to the value ol three thousand dollars, now delivered to them by the said Arthur St. Clair, 

the receipt whereof they do hereby acknowledge, do hereby renew and confirm the said boundary line in the words 

before mentioned, to the end that.it may be and remain as a division line between the lands of the said Six Nations 

and the territory of the United States, forever. And the undersigned Indians, as well in their own names as in the 

name of their respective tribes and nations, their heirs and descendants, for the considerations before mentioned, do 

release, quit claim, relinquish, and cede, to the United States of America, all the lands west of the said boundary or 

division line, and between the said line and the strait, from the mouth of Ononwayea and Buffalo creek, for them, 

the said United States of America, to have and to hold the same, in true and absolute propriety, forever. 

Article 2. The United States of America confirm to the Six Nations, all the lands wiiicli they inhabit, lying 
east and north of the before mentioned boundary line, and relinquish and quit claim to tlie same and every part 
thereof, excepting only six miles square round the fort of Oswego, which six miles square round said fort is again 
reserved to the United States by these presents. 

Article 3. The Oneida and Tuscarora nations are also again secured and confirmed in the possession of their 
respective lands. 

Article 4. The United States of America j-enew and confirm the peace and friendship entered into with the 
,1 Six Nations, (except the Mohawks) at the treaty before mentioned, held at fort Stanwix, declaring the same to be 

rk 2 * 



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6 



INDIAN AFFAIRS. [1789- 



perpetual. And if tlie Mohawks shall, within six months, declare their assent to the same, they shall be considered 

as included. , . , , , n l u -a 

Done at fort Haraiar, on the Muskingum, the day and year first above written. 

In witness whereof, the parties have hereunto, interchangeably, set their hands and seals. 

[Signed by twenty -four of the sachems and warriors of the Six Nations of Indians.] 

SEPARATE ARTICLE OF THE PRECEDING TREATV. 

Siiould a robbery i>r murder be committed by an Indian or Indians of the Six Nations, upon the citizens or sub- 
iects of the United States, or by the citizens or subjects of the United States, or any of them, upon any of the Indians 
of tlie said nation*, the parties accused of the same shall be tried, and if found guilty, be punished according to the 
laws of the State or ot tlie Territory of the United States, as the case may be, wliere tlie same was committed. 
Anil should any horses be stolen, either by the Indians of the said nations, from the citizens or subjects of the 
United States or any of them, or by any of the said citizens or subjects trom any of the said Indians, they may be 
reclaimed, into whose possession soever they may have come: and, upon due proof, sliall be restored, any sale in 
open market notwithstanding, and the persons convicted shall be punished with the ulniost severity the laws will 
admit And the said nations engage to deliver the persons that may be accused, ot their nations, of either of the 
before mentioned crimes, at the ^nearest post of the United States, if the crime was committed within the terri- 
tory of the United States; or to the civil authority of the State, if it shall have happened within any of the United 

^*'^*'^'- AR. ST. CLAIR. 



Articles of u Treaty made at fort Harmar, between .Arthur St. Clair, Governor of the territory of the United States 
northwest of the river Ohio, and coinmissioner plenipotentiary of the United States of .America for removing all 
causes of controversy, regulating trade, and settling boundaries, icith the Indian nations in the Northern 
department, of the one part, and the sachems and warriors of the JVyandot, Delaware, Ottawa, Chippeiva, 
Pattaivcdima, and Sac nations, on the other part. 

\rticle 1. Whereas the United States, in Congress assembled, did, by their commissioners. George Rogers 
Clarke Richard Butler, and Arthur Lee. Esquires, duly appointed for that purpose, at a treaty holden with the 
Wyanciot, Delaware, Ottawa, and Chippewa nations, at fort Mcintosh, on tlie twenty -first day ot January, in the 
year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty-five, conclude a peace with the Wyandots, Delawares. 
Ottawas and Chippewas, and take them into their friendship and protection: And whereas, at the said treaty, it 
was stipulated that all prisoners that had been made by those nations, or either of them, should be delivered up to 
the United States: And whereas the said nations have now agreed, to and with the aforesaid Arthur St. Clair, to 
renew and confirm all the engagements they had made with the United States of America, at the before mentioned 
treaty except so iar as are altered by these presents: And there are now in the possession ot some individuals of these 
nation's, certain prisoners, who have been taken by others, not in peace with the said United States, or in violation 
of the treaties subsisting between the United States and them; the said nations agree to deliver up all the prisoners 
now in their hands (by what means soever they may have come into their possession) to the said Governor St. Clair, 
at Fort Harmar; or, in his absence, to tiie officer commanding there, as soon as conveniently may be; and. for the 
true performance of this agreement, they do now agree to deliver into his hands, two persons of the Wyandot 
nation, to be retained in the hands of the United States, as hostages, until the said prisoners are restored; after which, 
they shall be sent back to their nation. 

Af ' ■ ■ " ■ ■' " " 

that a 

porta°-e be'twTerrtiiarand'thrTuscarawa branch of Mustinguin; then, down the" said branch, to the forks at the 
I crossfn-' place above fort Lawrence; tlience. westerly, to the portage on tliat branch of the Big Miami river whicli 
i runs in?o the Ohio, at the mouth of which branch the fort stood wliich was taken by the French in the year of our 
' Lord one thousand seven hundred and fifty-two; then, along the said portage, to the Great Miami or Oniie nver, 
^ and, down tlie southeast side of the same, to its moutli; thence, along the southern shore of Lake Erie, to the mouth 
of Ca\'^hoga, where it began. And the said Wyandot, Delaware, Ottawa, and Chippewa nations, for and in consi- 
deration of tiie peace then granted to them by the said United States, and the presents they then received, as well 
as of a quantity of goods, to' tiie \alue of six tliousand dollars, now delivered to them by the said Arthur St. Clair, 
the receipt whereof they do hereby acknowledge, do, by these presents, renew and confirm tlie said boundary ine; 
to the end that the same may remain as a division line between the lands of the United States of America and tlie 
lands of said nations, forever. And tlie undersigned Indians do hereby, in their own names, and the names of their 
respective nations and tribes, their heirs and descendants, for tiie consideration above inentroned, release, quit claim, 
relinquish, and cede, to the said United States, all the land east, south, and west, of tiie lines above described, so 
far as the said Indians formerly claimed the same; for tiiem, the said United States, to have and to hold the same, 
in true and absolute propriety, forever. , , , ^ ,. ., , -^ i • x .■ • i x- 

Art 3. The United States of America do, by these presents, relinquish and quit claim to the said nations respec- 
tively, all tlie lands lying between the limits above described, for them, the said Indians, to live and hunt upon, and 
otherwise to occupy as they shall see fit: but tlie said nations, or either of them, shall not be at liberty to sell or 
dispose of the same, or any pait thereof, to any sovereign Power, except tlie United States: nor to the subjects or 
citizens of any odier sovereign Power, nor to the subjects or citizens of the United States. , ^ ., 

Art. 4. It is agreed, between tlie said United States and the said nations, tiiat tiie individuals of said nations 
shall beat'liberty to liunt within the territory ceded to the United States, without hindrance or molestation, so long 
as they demean themselves peaceably, and offer no injury or annoyance to any of the subjects or citizens of the said 
United States. 





end that he or they may be tried, and, if found guilty, punished according to the laws established in the territorj^ 
of the United States northwest of the river Ohio, for the punishment of such ofiences, if the same shall have been 
committed within the said territory: or according to the laws of the State where the ottence may have been com- 
mitted, if the same lias happened in any of tlie United States. In like manner, it any subject or citizen of the 
United States shall commit murder or robbery on any Indian or Indians of tlie said nations, upon complaint being 
made thereof, he or they shall be arrested, tried, and punished, agreeable to the laws of tiie State, or of the terntoiy 
wherein tlie offence was committed; tiiat nothing may interrupt tlie peace and harmony now established between the 
United States and said nations. , . ., . j- • x i? ^k -.- 

\rt. 6. And whereas the practice of stealing horses iias prevailed very much, to the great disquiet of the citi- 
zens of the United States, and, if persisted in. cannot fail to involve both the United States of America and the 
Indians in endless animosity, it is agreed tiiat it shall be put an entire stop to on both sides: nevertlieless, should 
some individuals, in defiance of this agreement, and of the laws provided against such offences, continue to make 
depredations of that nature, the person convicted thereof shall be punished with the utmost severity the laws ot the 
respective States, or territory of the United States northwest of the Ohio, where the offence may hiive been commit- 



1789.] SIX NATIONS, WYANDOTS, AND OTHERS. 7 

ted, will admit of; and all horses so stolen, either by the Indians, from the citizens or subjects of the United States, 
or by the citizens or subjects of the United States from any; of the Indian nations, may be reclaimed, into whose 
possession soever tliey may have passed, and, upon due proof, shall be restored,; any sales in market ouvert notwith- 
standing. And the civil magistrates in the United States, respectively, and in the territory of the United States 
northwest of the Ohio, shall give all necessary aid and protection to Indians claiming such stolen horses. 

Art. 7. Trade shall be opened with the said nations, and they do hereby respectively engage to aftbrd pro- 
tection to the persons and property of such as may be duly licensed to reside among them for the purposes of trade 
and to their agents, factors, and servants; but no person shall be permitted to reside at their towns, or at their 
hunting camps, as a trader, who is not furnished with a licence for that purpose, under the hand and seal of the 
Governor of the territory of the United States northwest of the Ohio, for the time being, or under the hand and seal 
of one of his deputies for the management of Indian aftairs; to the end that they may not be imposed upon in their 
traffic. And it any person, or persons, shall intrude themselves without such licence, they promise to apprehend 
him, or them, and to bring them to the said Governor, or one of his deputies, for the purpose before mentioned, to 
be dealt with according to law: and that they maybe defended against persons who might attempt to forge such 
licences, they further engage to give information to the said Governor, or one of his deputies, of the names of all 
traders residing among them, from time to time, and at least once in every year. 

Art. 8. Should any nation of Indians meditate a war against the United States, or either of them, and the 
same shall come to the knowledge of the befoie mentioned nations, or either of them, they do hereby engage to "ive 
immediate notice thereof to the Governor, or, in his absence, to the ofiicer commanding the troops of "the UnTted 
States at the nearest post. And should any nation, with hostile intentions against the U^nited Stiites, or either of 
them, attempt to pass through their country, they will endeavor to prevent the same, and in like manner give infor- 
mation of such attempt to the said Governor, or commanding officer, as soon as possible, that all causes of mistrust 
and suspicion may be avoided between them and the United States; in like manner, the United States shall <^ive 
notice to the said Indian nations, of any hai'm that may be meditated against them, or either of them, that stiall 
'come to their knowledge; and do all in their power to hinder and prevent the same, that the friendship between 
them may be uninterrupted. 

Art. 9. If any person or persons, citizens or subjects of the United States, or any other person, not bein" 
an Indian, shall presume to settle upon the lands confirmed to the said nations, he and they shall be' out of the 
protection of the United States; and the said nations may punish him, or them, in such manner as they see lit. 

Art. 10. The United States renew the reservations heretofore made in the before mentioned treaty at fort 
M'Intosh, for the establishment of trading posts, in manner and form following: that is to say: six miles square 
at the mouth of the Miami or Omie rivers; six miles square at the portage upon that branch of the Miami which 
runs into the Ohio; six miles square upon the lake Sandusky, where the fort formerly stood; and two miles square ' 
upon each side tiie Lower Rapids, on Sandusky river: which posts, and the lands annexed to them, shall be for the 
use and under the Government of the United States. 

Art. 11. The post at Detroit, widi a district of land beginning at the mouth of the river Rosine, at the west 
end of lake Erie, and running up the southern bank of said river six miles; thence northerly, and always six miles 
west of the strait, until it strikes the lake St. Clair, shall be reserved for the use of the United States. 

Art. 12. In like manner, the post at Michilimackinac, with its dependencies, and twelve miles square about 
♦he same, shall be reserved to the sole use of the United States. 

Art. 13. The United States of America do hereby renew and confirm the peace and friendship entered into 
with the said nations, at the treaty before mentioned, held at fort M'Intosh; and ttie said nations again acknowled^^e 
themselves, and all their tribes, to be under the protection of the said United States, and no other Power wliatevel-. 

Art. 14. The United States of America do also receive into their friendship and protection, the nations of 
die Pattawarimas and Sacs; and do hereby establish a league of peace and amity between them, respectively; and 
all the articles of this treaty, so far as they apply to these nations, are to be considered as made anil concluded in 
all, and every part, expressly with them and each of them. 

Art. 15. And whereas, in describing the boundary before mentioned, the words, if strictly constructed 
would carry it from the portage on that branch of the Miami which runs into the Ohio, over to the river Auglaize; 
which was neither the intention of the Indians, nor of the commissioners: it is hereby declared, that the line shall 
run from the said portage directly to the first fork of the Miami river, which is to the southward and eastward of 
the Miami village; thence down die main branch of the Miami river to the said village, and thence down that river 
to lake Erie, and along the margin of the lake to the place of beginning. 

Done at fort Harmar, on the Muskingum, this ninth day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven 
hundred and eighty-nine. 

In witness whereof, the parties have hereunto interchangeably set dieir hands and seals. 

AR. ST. CLAIR. 

[Signed by the sachems and warriors of the Sac, Chippewa, Ottawa, Pattawatanii, Delaware, and Wyandot tribes 
of Indians.] 

Be it remembered, that the Wyandots have laid claim to the lands that were granted to the Shawnees at die 
treaty held at the Miami; and have declared, that, as the Shawnees have been so restless, and caused so much 
trouble, both to them and to the United States, if they will not now be at peace, they will dispossess diein, and take 
the country into their own hands; for that the country is theirs of right, and the Sliawanees are only living upon it 
by their permission. They further lay claim to all the country west ol the Miami boundary, from the village to the 
lake Erie, and declare that it is now under their management and direction. 

separate article. 

Whereas die Wyandots have represented, that within the reservation from the river Rosine, along the strait, 
they have two villages, from which they cannot, with any convenience, remove; it is agreed, they shaU remain in 
possession of the same, and shall not be in any manner disturbed therein. 



The Secretary of War to the President of the United States. 

The Secretary of War, having examined the negotiations of the Governor of the Western ten-itory, with certain 
Northern and Northwestern Indians, and the treaties made in consequence thereof, at fort Harmar, on the 9tli 
of January, 1789, begs leave to report: 



north 



That the several Treaties of Peace which have been made with the Northern tribes of Indians, and those 
thwest of the Ohio, since the conclusion of the late war with Great Britain, are as folhiws, to wit: 
1st. The treaty at fort Stanwix, on the 22d day of October, 1784, between Oliver Wolcott, Richard Butler, 
and Arthur Lee, commissioners plenipotentiary from the United States, on the one part, and the sachems and 
warriors o( the Six Nations, on the other. 

\v ^'' i'^''*^ treaty entered into by the said commissioners plenipotentiary, and the sachems and warriors of the 
Wyandot, Delaware, Chippewa, and Ottawa nations of Indians, at fort Mcintosh, the 2Ist day of January, 1785. 
IT -^1 T'^*^ treaty at the mouth of the great Miami, the 31st of January 1786, between commissioners from the 
"if,^L" States, and the Chiefs and Warriors of the Shawanee nation. 
That the treaties of fort Stanwix and fort Mcintosh were entered on the journals of the United States, in Con- 
gress assembled, June the 3d, 1785, and the treaty of the Miami, on the 17th day of April 1786. 



8 



INDIAN AFFAIRS. [1789. 



That it may be proper to observe, that the Indians are greatly tenacious of their lands, and generally do not 
relinquish their right, excepting on the principle of a specific consideration, expressly given for the purchase of the 

That tlie practice of the late English colonies and government, in purchasing the Indian claims, has firmly 
established the habit in tliis respect, so that it cannot be violated but with difficulty, and an expense greatly 
exceeding the value of the object. 

That the treaties of fort Stanwix and effort Mcintosh do not state that the limits therein defined are by virtue 
of a purchase from the Indians. 

That the said treaties have been opposed, and complained of, will appear by the representation to Congress, 
accompanying this report, marked No. 1 . 

That, in consequence of the said representation, Congress, on the 21st day of July, 1787, passed the following 
resolve: 

" Resolved, That the Superintendent of Indian Affairs for the Northern department, inform the five nations, 
the Hurons, and other Indian nations, who joined in the representation made to Congress, dated the 18th day of 
December, 1786, that Congress, on the 18th of the present month, July, 1787, received their said representation, 
and have taken it into their serious consideration, and, in due time, will send them an answer." 
That, on the 5th of October following. Congress resolved: 

" That a general treaty be held with the tribes of Indians within the limits of the United States, inhabiting the 
country northwest of the Ohio, and about Lake Erie, as soon after the first of April next as conveniently may be, 
and at such place, and at such particular time, as the Governor of the Western Territory shall appoint, for the 
purpose of knowing the causes of uneasiness among the said tribes, and hearing tiieii- complaints, of regulating trade, 
and amicably settling all affairs concerning lands and boundaries, between them and the United States. 

' ' That the Governor of the Western Territory hold the said treaty agreeably to such instructions as shall be 
given him for that purpose." 

That, on the 12th of October, 1787, Congress resolved: 

" That twenty thousand dollars be, and hereby are, appropriated for the purpose of Indian treaties, whenever the 
same shall hereatter be judged necessary by a majority of the United States, in Congress assembled, and that the 
resolutions for holding a general treaty %vith the Indians, passed the fifth day of the present month, be, and they are 
hereby, repealed." 

That on the 22d of October, 1787,, Congress resolved: 

" That the Governor of tlie Western Territory be, and he is hereby, empowered to hold a general treaty with the 
Indian tribes in the ensuing spring, if, in Ins judgment, the public good requires it; and that he be authorized to draw 
for such sums of money, appropriated by the resolve of Congress of the 12th instant, as may be necessary to eftect 
this object, not exceeding the sum of fourteen thousand dollars. " 
That, on the 2d of July. 1788, Congress resolved: 

" That the sum of twenty thousand dollars, in addition to the fourteen thousand dollars already appropriated, be 
appropriated for defraying the expenses of the treaties which have been ordered, or which may be ordered to be held 
on the present year, with the several Indian tribes in the Northern department, and for extinguishing the Indian 
claims; the whole of the said twenty thousand dollars, together with six thousand dollars of the said fourteen thou- 
sand dollars, to be applied solely to the purpose of extinguishing Indian claims to the lands they have already ceded 
to the United States, by obtaining regular conveyances tor the same, and for extending a purchase beyond the limits 
hitherto fixed by treaty; but that no part of the said sums be applied for any purpose other than those above men- 
tioned." 

That the instructions to the Governor of the Western Territory, marked No. 2, will further show the sense of 
Congress on this subject. 

That the treaties of fort Harmar, on the 9th of January, 1789, with the sachems and warriors of the Six Nations, 
the Mohawks excepted, and with the Sachems and Warriors of the Wyandot, Delaware, Ottawa, Chippewa, Patti- 
watima, and Sac nations, inhabiting pai-ts of the country northwest of the Ohio, appear to have been negotiated by 
the Governor of the Western Territory, so as to unite the interests of the United States with the justice due the said 
Indian nations. 

That the reservation in the treaty Avith the Six Nations, of six miles square, round the fort at Oswego, is within 
the territory of the State of New York, and ought to be so explained as to render it conformable to the constitution 
of the United States. 

That, if this explanation should be made, and the Senate of the United States should concur in their approbation 
of the said treaties, it miglit be proper that the same should be ratified, and published, with a proclamation enjoining 
an observance thereof. 

All which is humbly submitted to the President of the United States. 

H. KNOX. 
War Office, May 25d. 1789. 

No. 1. 

Speech of the United Indian Nations, at their Confederate Council, held near the mouth of the Detroit river, the 

28th November and \Sth December, 1786. 

Present — The Five Nations, the Hurons, Delawares, Shawanese, Ottawas, Chippewas, Powtewattimies, Twich- 

twees, Cherokees, and the Wabash confederates. 

To the Congress of the United States of America: 

Brethren of the United States of America: It is now more than three years since peace was made between 
the King of Great Britain and you, but we, the Indians, were disappointed, finding ourselves not included in that 
peace, according to our expectations: for we thought that its conclusion would have promoted a friendship between 
the United States and Indians, and that we might enjoy that happiness that formerly subsisted between us and our 
elder brethren. We have received two very agreeable messages from the thirteen United States. We also received 
a message from the King, whose war we were engaged in. desiring us to remain quiet, which we accordingly complied 
with. During the time of this tranquillity, we were deliberating the best method we could to form a lasting recon- 
ciliation witli the thirteen United States. Pleased at the same time, we thought we were entering upon a reconcili- 
ation and friendship with a set of people born on the same continent with ourselves, certain that the quarrel between 
us was not of our own making. In the course of our councils, we imagined we hit upon an expedient that would 
promote a lasting peace between us. 

Brothers: V\ e still are of the same opinion as to the means which may tend to reconcile us to each other; and 
we are sorry to find, although we had the best thoughts in our minds, during the beforementioned period, mischief 
has, nevertnless, happened between you and us. We are still anxious of putting our plan of accommodation into 
execution, and we shall briefly inform you of the means that seem most probable to us of effecting a firm and lasting 
peace and reconciliation: the first step towards which should, in our opinion, be, that all treaties carried on with the 
United States, on our parts, should be with the general voice of the whole confederacy, and carried on in the most 
open manner, Avithout any restraint on either side; and especially as landed matters are often the subject of our coun- 
cils with you, a matter ot the greatest importance and of general concern to us, in this case we hold it indispensably 
necessary that any cession of our lands should be made in the most public manner, and by the united voice of the 
confederacy; holding all partial treaties as void and of no effect. 



1789.] SIX NATIONS, WYANDOTS, AND OTHERS. 9 

Brothers: We tliink it is owing to you that the tranquillity which, since the peace between us, has not lasted, 
and that that essential good has been followed by niischiet and confusion, having managed every thing respecting us 
your own way;. You kindled your council fires where you thought proper, without consulting us, at which you held 
separate treaties, and have entirely neglected our plan of having a general conference with the different nations of 
the confederacj^. Had this happened, we have reason to believe every thing would now have been settled between ] 
us in a most fnendly manner. We did every thing in our power, at the treaty of fort Stanwix, to induce you to 
follow this plan, as our real intentions were, at that very time, to promote peace and concord between us, and that 
■we might look upon each other as friends, having given you no cause or provocation to be otherwise. 

Brothers: Notwithstanding the mischief that has happened, we are still sincere in our wishes to have peace and 
tranquillity established between us, earnestly hoping to find the same inclination in you. We wish, therefore, you 
would take it into serious consideration, and let us speak to you in the manner we proposed. Let us have a treaty 
with you early in the spring: let us pursue reasonable steps; let us meet half ways, for our mutual convenience; we 
shall then bring in oblivion the misfortunes that have happened, and meet each other on a footing of friendship. 

Brothers: We say let us meet halfway, and let us pursue such steps as become upright and honest men. We 
beg that you will prevent your surveyors and other people from coming upon our side the Ohi(> river. We have 
told you before, we wished to pursue just steps, and we are determined they shall appear just and reasonable in the 
eyes of the world. This is the determination -of all the chiefs of our confederacy now assembled here, notwithstand- 
ing the accidents that have happened in our villages, even when in council, where several innocent chiefs were killed 
when absolutely engaged in promoting a peace with you, the thirteen United States. 

Although then interrupted, the chiefs here present still wish to meet you in the spring, for the beforementioned 
good purpose, when we hope to speak to each other without either haughtiness or menaces. 

Brothers: We again request of you, in the most earnest manner, to order your surveyors and others, thatmark 
out lands, to cease from crossing the Ohio, until we sliall have spoken to you, because the mischief that has recently 
happened has originated in that quarter; we shall likewise prevent our people from going over until that time. 

Brothers: it shall not be our faults if the plans which we have suggested to you should not be carried into exe- 
cution; in that case the event will be very precarious, and if fresh ruptures ensue, we hope to be able to exculpate 
ourselves, and shall most assuredly, with our united force, be obliged to defend those rights and privileges which 
have been transmitted to us by our ancestors; and if we should be thereby reduced to misfortunes, the world will pity us 
when they think of the amicable proposals we now inake to prevent the unnecessary effusion of blood. These are 
our thoughts and firm resolves, and we earnestly desire that you will transmit to us, as soon as possible, your answer, 
be it what it may. 
Done at our Confederated Council Fire, at the Huron \illage, near the mouth of the Detroit river, December 
18th, 1786. 

The Five Nations, 

Hurons, Ottawas, Tuichtivees, Shawanese, 
Chippewas, Clierokees, Belawares, 
Powtewatimies, The H'abash Confederates. 

No. 2. 

October 26th, 1787. 

Instructions to the Governor of the Territory of the United States Northwest of the river Ohio, relative to an 

Indian treaty in the Northern Department. 
Sir: 

You are carefully to examine into the real temper of the Indian tribes, inhabiting the Northern Indian De- 
partment of the United States. If you find it hostile, and that the welfare of the frontiers, and the settlements 
forming in that country, demand a treaty, you will then, in conjunction with the Superintendent of Indian Affairs 
for the Northern Department, unless the attendance of the said superintendent shall be prevented, by any unfore- 
seen event, hold as general a one as you can, with all the tribes. 

The primary objects of the treaty are, the removing all causes of controversy, so that peace and harmony may 
continue between the United States and the Indian tribes, the regulating trade, and settling boundaries. For these 
pu™)ses, you will do every thing that is right and proper. 

The treaties which have been made, may be examined, but must not be departed from, unless a change of boun- 
dary, beneficial to the United States, can be obtained. 

Although the purchase of the Indian right of soil is not a primary object of holding this treaty, yet you will not 
neglect any opportunity that may offer, of extinguishing the Indian rights to the westward, as far as the river Mis- 
sissippi. 

You may stipulate, that the East and West line ordered to be run by the ordinance of the 20th of May, 1785, 
shall be the boundary between the United States and the Indian tribes: provided, they stipulate that it shall run 
throughout, unto the river Mississippi. And you may stipulate, that any white persons going over the said boundary, 
without a licence from the proper officer of the United States, may be treated in such manner as the Indians shall 
think propel'. 

You will use every possible endeavor to ascertain who are the real head men and warriors of tlie several tribes, 
and who have the greatest influence among them; these men you will attach to tiie United States, by every means 
in your power. 

Every exertion must be made to defeat all confederations and combinations among the tribes, and to conciliate 
the white people inhabiting the frontiers, towards them. 

CHARLES THOMSON, Secretary. 

July 2d, 1788. 

Mditionul instructions to the Governor of the Territory of the United States Northwest of the river Ohio, relative 
to the treaty to be held with the ff estern Indians, in pursuance of the resolutions of Congress, passed in 
October last. 

Sir: 

A.n additional suni of twenty thousand dollars has been appropriated for the purpose of procuring a permanent 
peace with the Indian tribes, with which you are authorized to holcl a treaty. This sum, and six thousand dollars 
out of the fourteen thousand heretofore appropriated for holding the said treaty, are particularly directed to be ap- 

Flied solely to the purpose of obtaining a boundary advantageous to the United States, between them and the said 
ndian tribes, and for further extinguishing by purchase Indian titles, in case it can be done on terms beneficial to 
. the Union. 

But it is not expected that any further purchases of lands will be made unless on terms evidently advantageous to 
the United States, or that any part of the said additional sum will be expended, but in cases apparently necessary. 
In fixing a boundary between the United States and the Indian tribes, instead of the East and West line men- 
tioned in your instructions, you will endeavor to establish an east and west line as far north as the completion 
of the forty first degree of north latitude. 

In your negotiations witli the Indians, you will make immediate payments, so far as you shall have moneys in 
hand; but, in case you shall find it necessary to engage any considerable part of the said additional sum, you are to 
stipulate, that the payments thereof be made in two or three equal annual instalments, the first to be as late in the 
year 1789, as can be obtained. 

CHARLES THOMSON, Secretary. 



10 INDIAN AFFAIRS. [1789. 

TTie Governor of the Western Territory to the President of the United States. 

New York, May 2d, 1788. "* 

Sir: . , . 

I have the honor to lay betore you the treaties concluded, in pursuance of the instructions received from Congress 
on the twenty sixth of October, 1787, and second of July, 1788, with several of the Indian nations, in Januarylast. 
That they were not presented at an earlier period, was owing, in part, to my own indisposition; to the severity of the 
winter, which rendered the communication by the Ohio, for a long time impracticable; and to the circumstance that 
the last Congress did not assemble after it was in my power to have sent them forvyard. 

With the treaties, I beg leave to submit the minutes of the proceedings at the diflerent meetings, after the nations 
were assembled, and I have added to them, by way of appendix, all the letters and messages that passed between 
them and me prior to their assembling. These were communicated to the Secretary of War, from time to time, and 
though they will, no doubt, be submitted by him to your consideration, I thought it best, as they form a considerable 
part of the transactions, to connect them in that way, that the whole might be seen together. 

By the instruction of July the second. I was directed to endeavor at extending the northern boundary, as far 
north as the completion of the forty first degree of north latitude. Besides that it would have been extremely 
difficult to have made the Indians comprehend how that was to be ascertained, I found that any attempt to extend 
the limits at that time, would be verv ill received, if not defeat entirely the settling a peace with them; it was 
therefore not proposed, and the boundaries remain as settled at the former treaties, except the rectifying an error 
about the portage at the Miami village. 

The negotiation was both tedious and troublesome, and for a long time had an unpromising aspect, but it came 
at last to as favorable an issue as could have been expected; and I trust will be attended with consequences friendly to 
the frontier parts of the United States. There are, however, several nations on the Wabash, and the rivers which empty 
themselves mto it, that are ill disposed, and from whom there is reason to expect, that a part of the frontier of Vir- 
ginia, and the settlement forming on the Miami, will meet annoyance; indeed, that they have not been disturbed 
during the winter was not expected, either by me or the cliiefs of the nations, who met me at fort Harmar. The 
Wyandots did appoint persons to go to them, and inform them of the result of the treaty, and insist upon their de- 
sisting from further hostilities, which may have had some effect in producing the late. tranquillity. 

The claim of the Wyandot nation to the lands reserved to the Shawanese, was strongly insisted upon by them, 
and to be made an article of the treaty — to tliat I could not consent; but, to satisfy them, and that it might be kept 
in remembrance, it is inserted at the bottom of it, by way of memorandum. It seems this is a claim that nas always 
been held up, and the reason it was so much insisted on at this time, they said, was, that thev were sure that the 
Shawanese, and Cherokees incorporated with them, would continue to give us trouble; tnat it could not be 
expected to be borne with much longer; that they would be driven out of the country, and then it would be claimed 
and held by the United States, by right of conquest; they farther added, that, if the Shawanese continued their 
depredations, they would themselves drive them oft'. They also proposed that a post should be taken by the United 
States, at the Miami village, as the surest means to overawe the nations on the Wabash. It is certainly well 
situated for that purpose, and would command the greatest part of tlie Indian trade. As it was very uncertain whe- 
ther Congress might approve of such a measure, as a post so far inland, would with difficulty be supported, and 
were in no readiness to carry it into execution, ifit should be approved. I desired them to consider well, whether it 
could be done without a contest with the Indians who live there; ana whether, in that case, there was not danger 
of they themselves being involved, through the ungovernableness of their young men. They acknowledged 
they thought there was danger of both, but promised to send some of their principal men to the Miamies, and pre- 
pare them for receiving a garrison peaceably, and are to give me notice in the spring. 

The reason why tlie treaties were made separately with the Six Nations and the Wyandots, and more westerly 
tribes, was, a jealousy that subsisted between them, which I was not willing to lessen, by appearing to consider 
them as one people — they do not so consider themselves; and I am persuaded their general confederacy is entirely 
broken: indeed, it would not be verj difficult, if circumstances required it, to set them at deadly variance. 

The great length of time that elapsed between the appointed period for the meeting, and that at which the Indians 
assembled, during which, numbers of them were constantly going and coming, has increased the expense in the 
article of provisions considerably; the utmost possible ec(momy, however, was used through the whole of the busi- 
ness, and, in transacting it, I flatter myself witn meeting the approbation of Congi-ess. 

With the utmost respect, I have the honor to be, &c. 

AR. ST. CLAIR, 
The President of the United States. 



[The three following are the treaties first referred to in the report of the Secretary of Wan] 

Articles of a Treaty concluded at fort Stanwix,07i the twenty-second day of October, one thousand seven hundred 
and eighty-four, between Oliver TFolcolt, Richard Butler, and Arthur Lee, commissioners plenipotentiary 
from the United States, in Congress assembled, on the one part, and the sachems and ivarriors of the Six 
Nations, on the other. 

The United States of America give peace to the Senecas, Mohawks, Onondagas, and Cayugas, and receive them 
into their protection, upon the following conditions: 

Article 1. Six hostages shall be immediately delivered to the commissioners by the said nations, to remain in 
possession of the United States till all the prisoners, white and black, which were taken by the said Senecas, Mo- 
hawks, Onondagas, and Cayugas, or by any of them, in the late war, from among the people of the United States, 
shall be delivered up. 

Art. 2. The Oneida and Tuscarora nations shall be secured in the possession of the lauds on which they are 
settled. _ _ 

Art. 3. A line shall be drawn, beginning at the mouth of a creek about four miles east of Niagara, called Oyon- 
wayea, or Johnston's Landing Place, upon the lake named by the Indians Oswego, and by.us Ontario; from thence 
southerly, in a direction always four miles east of the carrying path, between lakes Erie and Ontario, to the mouth 
of Tehoseroron, or Bui!alo creek, on lake Erie; thence south, to the north boundary of the State of Pennsylvania; 
thence west, to the end of the said north boundary; thence south, along the west boundary of the said State, to the 
river Ohio; the said line, from the mouth of the Oyonwayea to the Ohio, shall be the western boundary of the lands 
of the Six Nations; so that the Six Nations shall and do yield to the United States, all claims to the country west 
of the said boundary; and then they shall be secured in the peaceful possession of the lands they inhabit, east and 
north of the same, reserving only six miles square round the fort of Oswego, to the United States, for the support of 
the same. ■ - i o- 

Art. 4. The commissioners of the 'United States, in consideration of the present circumstances of the Six 
Nations, and in execution of the humane and liberal views of the United States, upon die signing of the above 
articles, will order goods to be delivered to tlie said Six Nations, for their use and comfort. 

' " OLIVER WOLCOTT, 

RICHARD BUTLER, 
ARTHUR LEE. 

[Signed by the sachems and warriors of the Mohawk, Onondaga, Seneca, Oneida, Cayuga, Tuscarora, and 
Seneca Abeal tribes of Indians.] 



1789.] SIX NATIONS, WYANDOTS. AND OTHERS. ' Jj 




Articles of a Treaty concluded at fort Mcintosh, the twenty-first dayofJanum-y^ one thousand seven hundred and 
eighty-five, betiveen the commissioners plenipotentiary of the Lnited States of America, of the one part, and 
the sachems and ivarriors of the Wyandot, Delaware, Chippewa, and Ottawa nations, of the other. 

The commissioners plenipotentiary of the United States, in Congress assembled, give peace to the Wyandot, 
Delaware, Chippewa, and Ottawa nations of Indians, on the following conditions: 

Article 1. Three chiefs, one from among the Wyandot, and two from among the Delaware nations, shall be 
delivered up to the commissioners of the United States, to be by them retained till all the prisoners, whiteand black, 
taken by the said nations, or any of them, shall be restored. 

Art. 2. The said Indian nations do acknowledge themselves and all their tribes to be under the protection of 
the United States, and of no other sovereign whatsoever. 

Art. 3. The boundary line between the United States and the Wyandot and Delaware nations, shall benn at 
the mouth of the river Cayahoga, and run thence, up the said river, to the portage between that and the Tuscarawas 
branch of Muskingum; then down the said brancli to the forks at the crossing place above fort Lawrence; then west- 
erly to the portage of the Big Miami, which runs into the Ohio, at the mouth of which branch the fort stood, which 
was taken by the French in one thousand seven hundred and fifty-two; then along the said portage to the Great 
Miami or Omie river, and down the southeast side of the same to its mouth; thence, along the south shore of lake 
Erie, to the mouth of Cayahoga, where it began. 

Art. 4. The United States allot all the lands contained within the said lines to the Wyandot and Delaware 
nations, to live and to hunt on, and to such of the Ottawa nation as now live thereon; saving and reserving for the 
establishment of trading posts, six miles square at the mouth of Miami or Omie river, and the same at the portage on 
that branch of the Big Miami which runs into the Ohio, and the same on the lake of Sandusky, where the fort for- 
merly stood, and also two miles square on each side of the lower rapids of Sandusky river, which posts, and the lands 
annexed to them, shall be to the use and under the government of the United States. 

Art. 5. If any citizen of the United States, or other person, not being an Indian, shall attempt to settle on any 
of the lands allotted to the Wyandot and Delaware nations in this treaty, except on the lands reserved to the United 
States in the preceding article, such person shall forfeit the protection of the United States, and the Indians may 
punish him as^ they please. 

Art. 6. ' " 
the lands eas 
the same, to 1 
ofit 

Art. 7. The post of Detroit, with a district, beginning at the mouth of the river Rosine, on the west end of lake 
Erie, and running west six miles up the southern bank of the said river, thence northerly and always six miles west 
of the strait, till it strikes the lake St. Clair, shall be also reserved to the sole use of the United States. 

Art. 8. In the same manner, the post ofMichilimackinac, \rith its dependencies, and tweh'e miles square about 
the same, shall be reser\'ed to the use of the United States. 

Art. 9. If anj^ Indian or Indians shall commit a robbery or murder on any citizen of the United States the tribe 

to which such offenders may belong, shall be bound to deliver them up at the nearest post, to be punished 'according- 

to the ordinances of the United States. * 

Art. 10. The commissioners of the Unitetl States, in pursuanceof the humane and liberal views of Congress upon 

this treaty's being signed, will direct goods to be distributed among the different tribes for their use and comfort 

separate article. 

It is agreed that the Delaware chiefs, Kelelamand, or Colonel Heniy, Hengue Pushees, or the Big Cat Wico- 
calind, or Captain White Eyes, who took up the hatchet for the United States, and their families, shall be received 
into the Delaware nation, in the same situation and rank as before the war, and enjoy their due portions of the lands 
given to the Wyandot and Delaware nations in this treaty, as fully as if they had not taken part with America or 
as any other person or persons in the said nations. ' 

GEO. CLARK. 
RICHARD BUTLER, 
ARTHUR LEE. 

[Signed by the sachems and wairiorsof the Wyandot, Delaware, Chippewa, and Ottawa nations of Indians. ] 

Articles of a Treaty concluded at the mouth of the Great Miami, on the northivestern bank of the Ohio, the thirty- 
first day of January, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-six, betiveen the commissioners pknipotentiam of 
the United States of America, of the one part, and the chiefs and warriors of the Shawanee nation, of the other 
part. 

Article 1. Three hostages shall be immediately delivered to the commissioners, to remain in the possession of 
the United States until all the prisoners, white and black, taken in the late war, from among the citizens of the 
United States, by the Shawanee nation, or by any other Indian or Indians residing in their towns, shall be restored. 
Art. 2. The Shawanee nation do acknowledge the United States to be the sole and absolute sovereigns of all 
the territory ceded to them, by a treaty of peace, made between them and the King of Great Britain, the fourteenth 
day of January, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-four. 




punished according to the ordinances of Congress: and, in like manner, any citizen of the United States, who shall 
do an injury to any Indian of the Shawanee nation, or to any other Indian or Indians residing in their towns and 
under their protection, shall be punished according to the laws of the United States. ' 

Art. 4. The Shawanee nation, having knowledge of the intention of any nation or body of Indians to make war 
on the citizens of the United States, or ot their counselling together for that purpose, and neglecting to give infor- 
mation thereof to the commanding officer of the nearest post of the United States, shall be considered as parties in 
such war, and be punished accoiilingly; and the United .States shall, in like manner, inform the Shawanees of any 
injury designed against them. 

Art. 5. The United States do grant peace to the Shawanee nation, and do receive them into their friendship 
and protection. ' 

Art. 6. The United States do allot to the Shawanee nation, lands within their territory, to live and hunt upon 
beginning at the south line of the lands allotted to the Wyandots and Delaware nations, at the place where the main 
branch of the Great Miami, which falls into the Ohio, intersects said line; then, down the river Miami, to the fork 
of that river, next below the old tort which was taken by the French in one thousand seven hundred and fifty-two- 
thence due west to the river De la Pause; then, down that river, to the river Wabash; beyond which lines none of 
the citizens of the United States shall settle, nor disturb the Shawanees in their settlement and possessions And 
the Shawanees do relinquish to the United States, all title, or pretence of title, they ever had to the lands east 
west, and south, of the east, west, and south lines before described. 



12 INDIAN AFFAIRS. [1789, 

Art. 7. If any citizen or citizens of the United States shall presume to settle upon the lands allotted to the 
Shawanees, by this treaty, he or they shall be put out of the protection of the United States. 

In testimony whereof, the parties hereunto have affixed their hands and seals, the day and year first above 
mentioned. 

G. CLARK, 
RICHARD BUTLER, 
SAM'L H. PARSONS. 

[Signed by the chiefs and warriors of the Shawanee nation.] 



Ist Congress.] No. 2. [1st Session. 



WABASH, CREEKS. CHEROKEES, CHICKASAWS, AND CHOCTAWS. 

COMMUNICATED TO CONGRESS AUGUST 7, 1789. 

Gentlemen of the Senate: 

The business which has hitherto been under the consideration of Congress, has been of so much importance, 
that I was unwilling to draw their attention from it to any other subject. But the disjjutes which exist between some 
of the United States, and several powerful tribes of Indians within the limits of the LFnion; and the hostilities which 
have, in several instances, been committed on tlie frontiers, seem to require the immediate interposition of the 
General Government. 

I have, therefore, directed the several statements and papers, which have been submitted to me on this subject 
by General Knox, to be laid before you for your information. 

While the measures of Government ought to be calculated to protect its citizens from all injury and violence, a 
due regard should be extended to those Indian tribes whose happiness, in the course of events, so materially depends 
on the national justice and humanity of the United States. 

If it should be the judgment of Congress that it would be most expedient to terminate all differences in the 
Southern district, and to lay the foundation for future confidence, by an amicable treaty with the Indian tribes in 
that quarter, I think proper to suggest the consideration of the exnediency of instituting a temporary commission 
for that purpose, to consist of three persons, whose authority should expire with the occasion. 

How far such a measure, unassisted by posts, would be competent to the establishment and preservation of peace 
and tranquillity on the frontiers, is, also, a matter which merits your serious consideration. 

Along with this object, I am induced to suggest another, with the national importance and necessity of which, I 
am deeply impressed; I mean, some uniform and effective system for the militia of the United States. It is unne- 
cessary to offer arguments in recommendation of a measure, on which the honor, safety, and well-being of our 
country so evidently and so essentially depend. But, it may not be amiss to observe, that I am particularly 
anxious it should receive as early attention as circumstances will admit, because, it is now in our power to avail 
ourselves of the military knowledge disseminated throughout the several States,by means of the many well instruct- 
ed officers and soldiers of the late army; a resource which is daily diminishing by deaths, and other causes. To 
suffer this peculiar advantage to pass away, unimproved, would be, to neglect an opportunity which will never 
again occur, unless, unfortunately, we should again be involved in a long and arduous war. 

GEO. WASHINGTON. 

New York, August 7, 1789. 



Report from Henry Knox, Secretary of War, to the President of the United States, relating to the several Indian 

tribes. 

War Office, June 15, 1789. 
Sir: 

The time it will require to complete a full statement of the Department of War, induces me to submit to your 
view, in a series of numbers, such parts thereof as seem to claim an immediate attention. 

As most of the nations of Indians within the limits of the United States are, at present, discontented, and some 
of them turbulent, I have conceived it proper to commence, by a statement of the Indian Department. In the per- 
formance of this business, I have not barely confined myself to facts, but I have taken the liberty of suggesting such 
measures as appear to my mind to be necessary for the happiness and reputation of the public. 

By the ordinance of Congress of the 7th August, 1786, for the regulation of Indian affairs, which is herewith 
submitted, the department is divided into the Northern and Southern districts. 

The report on the treaties of fort Harmar, submitted the 23d of May last, will shew the situation of those 
tribes with whom the United States have formed treaties, since the conclusion of the war with Great Britain. 

I have now the honor to transmit a paper. No. 1, relative to the Wabash Indians. Were the subsisting disor- 
ders with those Indians quieted, and they attached to the interests of the United States, it is not probable that any 
further troubles with the more distant Indians would soon arise. 

Number 2, which will be submitted shortly, will shew the situation of the Southern Indians, and contain some 
observations on the difficulties subsisting between them and the frontier people of the States of Georgia and North 
Carolina. 

I have the honor to be, &c. 

H. KNOX. 

The President of the United States. 

No. 1. 

Report from H. Knox, Secretary of fVar, to the President of the United States, 

RELATIVE TO THE NORTHWESTERN INDIANS. 

War Office, June \5th, 1789. 

By information from Brigadier General Harmar, the commanding officer ot the troops on the frontiers, it 
appears that several murders have been lately committed on tlie inhabitants, by small parties of Indians, probably 
from the Wabash country. 



1789.] WABASH, CREEKS, AND OTHERS. I3 

Some of the said murders ha%ing been perpetrated on the South side of the Ohio, the inhabitants on the waters of 
that river are exxeedingly alarmed, for the extent of six or seven hundred miles along the same. 

It is to be observed, that the United States have not formed anj^ treaties with the Wabash Indians; on the con- 
trary, since the conclusion of the war with Great Britain, hostilities have almost constantly existed between the 
people of Kentucky and the said Indians. The injuries and murders have been so reciprocal, that it would be a 
point of critical investigation to know on which side they have been the greatest. 

Some of the inhabitants of Kentucky, during the year past, roused Dy recent injuries, made an incursion into 
the Wabash country, and, possessing an equal aversion to all bearing the name of Indians, they destroyed a num- 
ber of peaceable Piankeshaws, who prided themselves in their attachment to the United States. 

Things bein^ thus circumstanced, it is gi-eatly to be apprehended that hostilities may be so far extended as to 
involve the Indian tribes with whom the United States have recently made treaties. It is well known how strong 
die passion for war exists in the mind ot a young savage, and how easily it may be inilamed, so as to disregard every 
precept of the older and wiser part of the tribes M'ho may have a more just opinion of the force of a treaty. 

Hence it results, that, unless some decisive measures are immediately adopted to terminate those mutual hostili- 
ties, they will pi obabiy become general among all the Indian^ northwest of the Ohio. 

In examining the question how the disturbances on the frontiers are to be quieted, two modes present themselves, 
by which the object might perhaps be eiFected: the first of which is by raising an army, and extirpating the refrac- 
tory tribes entirely, or 2dly by fjrming treaties of peace with them, in which their rights and limits should be expli- 
citly defined, and the tieaties observed on the part of the United States with the most rigid justice, by punishing 
the whites, who should violate the same. 

In considering the first mode, an inquiry would arise, wliether, under the existing circumstances of aftairs, the 
United States have a clear right, consistently with the principles of justice and the laws of nature, to proceed to the 
destruction or expulsion of the savages, on the Wabash, supposing the force for that object easily attainable. 

It is presumable, that a nation solicitous of establishing its cliaracter on the broad basis of justice, would not only 
hesitate at, but reject every proposition io benefit itself, by the injury of any neighboring community, however con- 
temptible and weak it might be, either wi(h respect to its manners or power. 

When it shall be considered that the Indians derive their subsistence chiefly by hunting, and that, according to 
fixed principles, their population is in proportion to the facility with which they procure their iood, it would most 
probably be found fliat the expulsion or destruction of the Indian tribes have nearly the same effect: for if they are 
removed from their usual hunting grounds, they must necessarily encroach on the hunting grounds of another tribe, 
who will not suffer the encroachment with impunity — hence they destroy each other. 

' The Indians being the prior occupants, possess the right of tlie soil. It cannot be taken from them unless by their 
jfrce consent, or by the right of conquest in case of a just war. To dispossess them on any other principle, would be 
a gross violation of the fundamental laws of nature, anil of that distributive justice whicii is the glory of a nation. 

Butif itshould be decided, on an abstract view of (he question, to be just, to remove by f(n-cefhe Wabasji Indians 
from the territory they occupy, the finances of the United States would not at present admit of the operation. 

By the best and latest inlorination, it appeals that, on the AVabasli and its communications, there are from 1500 
to 2000 warriors. An expedition against them, with the view of extirpating them, or destroying their towns, could not 
be undertaken with a probability ol' success, \\ ith less tiuin an army of 2,500 men. The regular troops of the United 
States on the fnuitiers, are less than six hundred; of tint iiumber. not more than four hundred could be collected 
from the posts for the purpose of the expedition. To raise, pay, feed, arm, and equip 19(10 additional men, with 
their necessary ofticers for six months, and to provide every llung in the hospital and quartermaster's line, would 
require the sum of 200,000 doilajs; a sum far exceeding the ability of (he fruited States to advance, c(»nsistentlv 
with a due regard to otiier indispensable objects. 

Were the representations of the people of the frontiers (wlm iia>e iinuibeil the strongest prejudices against the 
Indians, perhaps in consequence of the murders of their dearest friends and connexions) only to l)e regarded, tlie 
circumstances before stated, would not a]ii)ear conclusive — an expedition, however inadequate, must be lindertaken. 
But when (he impartial mind of (he great public sits in judgment, it is necessary that the cause of the ignorant 
Indians should be heard as well as those \vi»o are more fortunately circumstanced. It well becomes the public to 
inquire before it punishes; to be influenced by reason, and (he nature of things, and not by its resentments. 

It would be tbund, on exainination, (hat both pt)lic> and justice unite in dictating the attempt of treating with the 
Wabash Indians: for it would be unjust, in the present confused state of injuries, to make war on those tribes without 
having previously invited them to a treaty, in order amicably (o adjust all differences. If they should afterwards 
persist in their depreilations, the United States may with propriety inflict such punishment as they shall think proper. 
But at present, were the measure just, the Union could not command an army for coercion, but at the expense 
of some great national object. 

In case no treaty shoukl be held, theevcnts whicli are rising in rapid succession on the frontiers, mu<st be suffered 
to take their own course. Their progress and issue will deeply injure, if not utterly destroy, the interests and 
government of the United States in the Western territory. 

The estimates of the Governor of the Western territory herewith submitted, will shew, that, in addition to the 
property already in his. possession, a treaty with the Wjibasli Indians may be effected for the sum of 16,150 dollars. 

If additional territory should be tlie object, it would require t!ie liirther sum of —.dollars. 

It is, hovi ever, to be remarked, that it is very possible that this sum may not effect the object intended. It can be 
considered only as an experiment dictated by a regard to public justice, whicii ought in all cases to govern the con- 
duct of a nation. 

The United States having come into the possession of sovereignty, and an extensive territory, must unavoidably 
be subject to the expenses of such a condition. 

The time has arrived, when it is highly expedient that a liberal system of justice should be adopted for the \-ari- 
ous Indian tribes within the limits of the United States. 

By having recourse to the several Indian treaties, made by the authority of Congress, since the conclusion of the 
war with Great Britain, excepting those made January 1789, at fort Harniar, it would appear, that Congress were 
of opinion, that the Treaty of Peace, of 1783, absolutely invested them with the fee of all the !,ndian laiids within 
the limits of the United States; that they had the right to assign, or retain such portions as they should jud^e 
proper. 

But it is manifest, from the representations of the confederated Indians at the Huron village, in December 1786 
that they entertained a different opinion, and that they were the only rightful proprietors of (he soil; and it appears 
Ijy the resolve of the Sd of July, 1788, that Congress so far conformed to the idea, as to appropriate a sum of money 
solely to the purpose (jf extinguishing the Indian claims to lands they had cetled to the United States, and for obtain- 
ing regular conveyances of the same. This object was accordingly accomplished at the treaty of fort Harmar in 
January, 1789. 

The principle of the Indian right to the lands they possess being thus conceded^ the dignity and interest of the 
nation will be advanced by making it the basis of the future administration of justice towards the Indian tribes. 
The whole number of Indian warriors south of the Ohio, and east of the Mississippi, may be estimated at 14 000. 
Those to the northward of the Ohio, and to the southward of the lakes, at about 5,000. In addition to these the 
old men, women, and children, may be estimated at three for one warrior, the whole amounting (o 76,000 souls.' 

It is highly probable, that, by a conciliatory system, the expense of managing the said Indians, and attaching them 
to the United States for the next ensuing period of fifty years, may, on an average, cost 15,000 dollars annually. 

A system of coercion and oppression, pursued from time to time, for the same period, as (he convenience of "the 
United States might dictate, would probably amount to a much greater sum of money; but the blood and injustice 
which would stain (he character of the nation, would be beyond all pecuniary calculation. 

As the settlements of the whites shall approach near to the Indian boundaries established by treaties the "ame 
will be diminished, and the lands being valuable to the Indians only as hunting grounds, they will be wilfin" to sell 
3 • ** 



14 INDIAN AFFAIRS. [1789. 



further tracts for small considerations. By the expiration, therefore, of the above period, it is most probable that the 
Indians will, by the invariable operation of the causes which have hitherto existed in their intercourse with the 
whites, be reduced to a very small number. 

These general reflections have arisen on considering the particular case of the Wabash Indians, respecting whom 
one observation more may be added. 

The United States must soon possess the posts within their limits on the lakes. .This circumstanse will either 
awe the Wabash Indians, or, in case of their continuing refractory, enable the Union to operate against them with 
a much greater prospect of success than at present. 

All which is numbly submitted to the President of the United States. 

H. KNOX. 



By the United States, in Congress Assembled. — August7, 1786- 

An Ordinance for the regtdation of Indian Affairs. 

Whereas the safety and tranquillity of the frontiers of the United States do, in some measure, depend on the 
maintaining a good correspondence between their citizens and the several nations of Indians in amity with them: 
And whereas the United States, in Congress assembled, under the ninth of the articles of confederation and perpetual 
union, have the sole and exclusive right and power of regulating the trade, and managing all affairs with the Indians 
not members of any of the States; provided that the legislative right of any State within its own limits be not 
infringed or violated: . 

Be it ordained by the United States, in Congress assembled. That, from and after the passing of this oramance, 
the Indian department be divided into two districts, viz. The southern, which shall comprehend within its limits 
all the nations in the territory of the United States who reside southward of the river Ohio; and the northern, 
which shall comprehend all the other Indian nations within the said territory, and westward of Hudson river: 
Provided, That all councils, treaties, communications, and ofiicial transactions, between the superintendent hereafter 
mentioned for the northern district and the Indian nations, be held, transacted, and done, at the outpost occupied by 
the troops of the United States in the said district. That a superintendent be appointed for each of the said districts, 
who shall continue in oflice for two years, unless sooner removed by Congress, and shall reside within, or as near 
the district for which he shall be so appointed, as may be convenient for the management of its concerns. The said 
superintendents shall attend to the execution of such regulations as Congress shall from time to time establish, 
respecting Indian affairs. The superintendent for the northern district shall have authority to appoint two deputies, 
to reside in such places as shall best facilitate the regulations of the Indian trade, and to remove them for misbe- 
havior. There shall be a communication of all matters relative to the business ot the Indian department, kept up 
between the said superintendents, who shall regularly correspond with the Secretary of War, through whom all com- 
munications, respecting the Indian department, shall be made to Congress; and the superintendents are hereby 
directed to obey all instructions which they shall from time to time receive from the said Secretary of War. And 
whenever they shall have reason to suspect any tribe or tribes of Indians of hostile intentions, they shall communi- 
cate the same to the Executive of the State or States whose territories are subject to the effect of such hostilities. 
All stores, provisions, or other property, which Congress may think necessary for presents to the Indians, shall be 
in the custody and under the care of the said superintendents, who shall render an annual account of the expendi- 
tures of the same to the board of treasury. 

And be it further ordained, Tliat none but citizens of the United States shall be suffered to reside amon^ the 
Indian nations, or be allowed to trade with any nation of Indians within the territory of tlie United States. That 
no person, citizen or other, under the penalty of five hundred dollars, shall reside among, or trade with any Indian, 
or Indian nation, within the territory of the United States, without a licence for that purpose first obtained from the 
superintendent of the district, or one of the deputies, who are hereby directed to give such licence to every person 
who shall produce from the supreme Executive of any State, a certificate, under the seal of the State, that he is of 
"ood character, and suitably qualified and provided tor that employment, for which licence he shall pay the sum of 
Ifty dollars to the said superintendent, for the use of the United States. That no licence to trade with the Indians 
shall be in force for a longer term than one year; nor shall permits or passports be granted to any other persons than 
citizens of the United States, to travel through the Indian nations, without their having previously made tlieir business 
known to the superintendent of the district, and received his special approbation. That, previous to any person or 
persons obtaining a licenc*; to tiade as aforesaid, he, or they, shall give bond in three thousand dollars to the superin- 
tendent of the district, for tke use of the United States, for his or their strict adherence to, and observance of, such 
rules and regulations as Congi^ss may from time to time establish for the government of the Indian trade. All sums 
to be received by the said superintendents, either for licences or fines, shall be annually accounted for by them witli 
the board of treasury. 




or : 

and fmthfuiiy serv'e'^the United States in tTie office of superintendent of Indian affairs, lor the district; that I 

will carefully attend to all such orders and instructions as I shall from time to time receive from the United States, 
in Congress assembled, or tlie Secretary of War; that I will not be concerned, either directly or indirectly, in 
trade with the Indians; and that, in all things belonging to my said oflice, during my continuance therein, I will 
faithfully, justly, and truly, according to the best of my skill and judgment, do equal and impartial justice, without 
fraud, favor, or affection." And the superintendent for the northern district shall administer to his deputies, the 
following oath, before they proceed on the duties of their oflice: '" I, A B, do swear, that I will well and faithfully 
serve the United States, in the office of deputy superintendent of Indian affairs, in the northern district; that I will 
carefully attend to all such orders and instructions as I shall from time to time receive from the United States, in 
Congress assembled, the Secretary of War, or the superintendent of the district aforesaid; and that in all things 
belonging to my said oflice, during my continuance therein, I \rill faithfully, justly, and truly, according to the best 
of my skdl and judgment, do equal and impartial justice, without fraud, favor, or affection." A.nd the said superin- 
tendents, and deputy superintendents, shall, each of them, give bond, with surety, to the board of treasury, in trust 
for the tf nited States; the superintendents, each, in the sum of six thousand dollars, and the deputy superintendents, 
each, in the sum of three thousand dollars, for the faithful discharge of the duties of their office. 

And it is further ordained. That all fines and forfeitures, which may be incurred by contravening this ordinance, 
shall be sued for, and recovered before any court of record within the United States, the one moiety thereof to the 
use of him or them, who may prosecute therefor, and the other moiety to the use of the United States. And the 
said superintendents shall have power, and hereby are authorized, by force, to restrain therefrom, all persons who 
shall attempt an intercourse with the said Indians, without a licence therefor, obtained as aforesaid. 

And be it further ordained, That in all cases where transactions with any nation or tribe of Indians shall become 
necessary to the purposes of this ordinance, which cannot be done without interfering with the legislative rights of 
a State, the superintendent in whose district the same shall happen, shall act in conjunction with the authority 
of such State. 

Done, &c. 

CHAS. THOMSON, Secretary. 



1789.] THE CREEKS AND OTHERS. I5 



New York, June 14, 1789. 
Sir: 

I have been honored with your letter of the 12th, and, in reply, have to observe, that, by the resolution of 
Congress, of the 29th of August, 1788, I was directed to repair to the Mississippi, in order to hold a treaty with 
the Indians, who inhabit the country upon that river, for the extinguishing their claims to lands, within certain 
limits, if any such claims existed, and to lay out certain donations of land to the ancient inhabitants. From thence, 
1 was to proceed to Post St. Vincennes, upon the Wabash, and lay out like donations for the inhabitants there; but 
the instructions contained no directions to make any purchase about the post, from a presumption, I suppose, that 
a cession had been made there to tlie crown of France. With the remainder of the goods from former treaties, and 
the warrants I have received from the board of treasury, there is sufficient, I suppose, in my hands, to defray the 
expense of the treaty with the Mississippi Indians, exclusivt of the provisions. What they may amount to, 1 cannot 
ascertain, as I am ignorant of the Indian numbers. They are inconsiderable; but an immediate provision for the 
payment of the provisions, either for that, or any other treaty, is not necessary, the contractors being obliged to 
furnish all rations tliat may be required by the United States. 

Should it be thought proper to treat with the Indians of the Wabash and Miami, a further sum will be necessary, 
and I have enclosed an estimate ot what the expense would probably amount to. It appears, indeed, of absolute 
necessity, that the savages should be brought to peace, eithei by treaty, or by force. 

It is impossible for me to judge what sum would induce them to extend the nordiern boundary of the last 
cession to the Mississippi, neither is it very well known, what nations are the proprietors of the country that would 
be obtained by tliat extension. Perhaps a provisional power to make such agreements, and limiting tlie sum, might 
not be improper, as the expense of another meeting for that purpose might be avoided, if tJie proprietors attended at 
the treaty in contemplation. The stipulations could be made then, and the payment at an alter period. 

I have the honor to be, sir, your most obedient servant, 
Major General Knox. AR. ST. CLAIR, 



No. 2. 

Report from K Knox, Secretary of TVer, to the President of the United States, dated IVar Office, July 6th, 1789, 

RELATING TO THE SOUTHERN INDIANS. 

The Creeks. — This nation of Indians is divided into two districts, the Upper and the Lower Creeks. 
The former reside chiefly on the waters of the Alaoama river, in about sixty towns or villages. The latter on 
the waters of the Apalachicola river, in about forty tcwns. The Creeks are principally within the limits of the 
United States, but some of the most southern towns of tlie Lower Creeks, or Seminofes, are within the territory of 
Spain, stretching towards the point of Florida. The gun-men, or warriors of the whole nation, are estimated at 
six thousand. 

Besides the chiefs of the respective towns, the Creeks appear, at present, to be much under the influence and 
direction of Alexander McGillivray. 

The father of this person \vas an inhabitant of Geo-gia, and adhering to Great Britain in the late war, his property 
was confiscated by tJiat State. His mother was a piiicipal woman of the Upper Creeks. 

He had an English education; his abilities and ambition appear to be great; his resentments are probably 
unbounded against the State of Georgia, for confisciting his father's estate, and the estates of his other friends, 
retugees iroin Georgia, several ol whom reside with lim among the Creeks. He is said to be a partner of a trading 
house which has the monopoly of the trade of the Cieeks. The communications to the Indian country are through 
the Floridas, under the protection of the Spanish olonies. The profits of this commerce centre in Great Britain, 
and one of the Bahama islands is the intermediate p'ace of deposite. 

The State of Georgia is engaged in a serious wir with the Creeks; and as the same may be so extended and 
combined, as to require the interlerence of the Uni(ed States, it will be highly proper that the causes thereof should 
be stated and examined. 

The first treaty between the State of Georgia and the Creeks, after the conclusion of the war with Great Britain, 
was held at Augusta, in November. 1783. At this treaty, certain lands on the Oconee were ceded by the Creeks to 
the State of Georgia. A copy of this treaty is not among the papers of Congress; but the purport, as it respects the 
boundaries then established, is recited by the Legislature of the State of Georgia, in their report on Indian aftairs, 
hereunto annexed. 

The second treaty was held at Galpiiinton, on [he 12th of November, 1785; by which the boundary lines defined 
by the treaty ot Augusta, in November, 1783, were confirmed, and a new boundary line obtained, to extend from 
the lorks ot the Oconee and Oakmulgee, to the soiree of the St. Mary's. A copy of this treaty is hereunto annexed, 
in the papers marked A.; also, a letter Irom the commissioners of the United States, and a report of a committee 
accepted by the Legislature of Georgia, on the 11th of February, 1786. 

A third treaty was held by the commissioners jf Georgia and tiie Creeks at Shoulderbone, on the 3d of Novem- 
ber, 1786. At this treaty, it would appear that the Creeks acknowledged the violation of the two former treaties 
recognised, and ratified tlie former boundaries, and gave six hostages for the faithful execution of the conditions. 

On the one side, the Creeks object entirely to the validity of the said treaties, stating that the cessions to the 
State of Georgia were made by the chiefs of two towns only; whereas, the lands ceded were the property of the 
whole nation, as will more fully appear by the letters of Alexander McGillivray, marked B, and numbered 1, 2, 
3, and 4. 

The letter of Benjamin Hawkins, Andrew Pickens, Joseph Martin, and Lack Mcintosh, Esquires, commission- 
ers of the United States, dated at the Keowee, the 17th of November, 1785, marked A, states, that, as there 
were only two towns properly represented at Galphinton, instead of about one hundred, the number in the whole 
nation, they could not treat with tnem on behalf of the United States, But that, " the day after they left Galphin- 
ton, the agents of Georgia held a treaty witli the few Indians then present, and obtained a cession of all the lands 
south of the Altamaha, and eastward of the line to be run southwest, from the junction of the Oakmulgee and Oconee 
rivers, till it shall strike St. Marr's, with a confirmation of the lands ceded to the State by the same towns north- 
east of the Oconee river, in 1783." 

The letter of James White, Esq. superintendent of the United States for the southern district, and tiie proceed- 
ings held by him with the Lower Creeks at Cussetahs, will further show the sentiments of the said Lower Creeks, of 
the said treaties, marked C. 

On the other side, the Legislature of Georgia, by their committee, 23d October, 1787, marked D, states that the 
Cherokees, by a treaty made at Augusta, on the 3d of May, 1783, and the Creeks, by the treaty of Augusta, in the 
succeeding November, both nations made the same relinquishment of the lands on the Oconee, on account of mutual 
claims which had not before been settled between them. 

That it was not until a few months after the treaty of Galphinton, that uneasinesses began to be fomented in the 
nation, and some murders were committed. 

That this conduct of the Creeks was considered by the government of Georgia as an infraction of the treaties, and 
tliey demanded reparation accordingly. That commissioners were appointed, with full powers to inquire into the 
causes, and restoie peace, but with powers, also, if unavoidable, to talce eventual measures of defence. 

That this proceeding of Georgia produced the treaty al Shoulderbone, whereby tlie violence was acknowledged,, 
the boundaries confirmed, and hostages given. 



IQ INDIAN AFFAIRS. [1789.. 



" That the committee cannot forbear to observe, that, during the course of all these transactions, the communi- 
cations were made in solemn, open, and ancient form, and tlie articles ot the treaties were mutually respected, until 
the aggression posterior to that of Galphinton. .... . ^ , . , 

" And that, whilst it is admitted on the one hand, that there was no pnnciple of representation of the parts of the 
nations known in civilized governments, it cannot be deliied on the other, that it was such as had been common,, 
and the Indians acknowledged without doubt, and regret their forming a part, and being members of the State." 

Tlie committee after stating some circumstances lelatRe to the proceedings of James White, Esq. the supenn- 
tcndent, " report it as their opinion, that the ultimate causes of the war, was the too sudden interference with the 
treaties of the State, by which the minds of the Indians w^re perplexed; and the impression induced, that, in a war, 
they should not have the strength of the Union to fear, anH that another disposition would be made ot the territory, 
than tliat which considers it as part of the State. That representations to this effect should be immediately trans- 
mitted to Congress, and the support of the Union demanded." 

That the papers whereon this statement is i'ounded, and the general subject of the said dispute between the State 
of Georgia and the Creeks, have several times been disciissed and considered in the late Congress. 

That the report of the committee of Congress, as stated on the journals of the 3d of August, 1787, will show 
the perplexities of this case. j i i -i j t i 

That the subject was further debated in Congress on'June 27th, and decided on July 15th, 1788, will appear by 

their journals. , ^ x ■ ■ c r -,xr . i 

Tiiat, in obedience to the order of Congress of the 15th of July 1788, the Secretary ot War made the report 

marked E. , m , • ■ • , 

That, in consequence of the resolve of Congress of the 26th of October 1787, commissioners were appointed by 
the States of South Carolina and Georgia. That the titne for which the superintendent was elected, expired on the' 

29th of November, 1788. ' ' . , • ,, , , 

That, the proceedings of the said commissioners and superintendent, as communicated by the latter, are hereunto 

attached, marked F. . /•,,!• . , /-, ■ 

That in addition to the information of the superintendent, it appears from the public newspaper, marked G, that 
the two commissioners from Georgia and South Ca-olina have given a further invitation to a treaty, to be held 
at Oconee during the present month. 

But it also appears from the public newspapers, that, instead of the proposed treaty, parties of Indians have 
been making inroads into Georgia, and that the outrages committed by them have excited an alarm, which has ex- 
tended itself to Savannah, the capital of the State. 

Hence it -snll appear, from this general statement of facts, 

1st. That, hostilities still rage between the State of Georgia, and the Creek Indians. 

2d. That the cause of the war is an utter denial, en the part ol the Creeks, ot the validity of the three trea- 
ties, stated to have been made by them with the State cf Georgia. 

Sd. That tlie United States, in Congress assembled, by their resolve of the 15th of July, 1788, have caused it 
to be notified to the Creeks, " that, should they persist in refusing to enter into a ti-eaty upon reasonable terms, the 
arms of the United States shall be called forth for the protection of that frontier." 

From this result, the following questions arise: , 

1st. Whether the circumstance of the commissioners not! having received an answer from Alexander M^Gil- 
livray to their letter of November 28th, 1788, and his letter t» Andrew Moor, Esq. of the 4th of January, and to 
liis Excellency the Governor of South Carolina the 26th of February, 1789, (letter B) together with the recent - 
irruption of parties of Creeks into the State of Georgia, anomt to a refusal to treat on reasonable terms, and of 
consequence form that crisis of affairs in which the arms of the Union are to be called forth, agreeably to the resolve 
of Congress of the loth of July, 1788? , ...... 

2d. Whether the final report of the commissioners is necess^y to be received before decision can be made on the 

C3SC or 

3d. Whether, in the present state of public affairs, any prorer expedients could be devised for effectually qui- 
eting the existing hostilities between the State of Georgia and th^ Creek nation, other than by raising an ai-my.=' 

\11 which is liumbly submitted to the President of the Unitei States. 

H. KNOX. 

\ 
A. No. 1. 

Keg WEE, the 17 th A'ovember, 1785. 

Sir: 

Agreeable to our appointment, we arrived at Galphintoii on the 24th and 28th of October, to meet and treat 
with the Creeks, havins; previousl v procured every thing neccessai? for this purpose. By the 29tii, the chiefs of two 
towns, with sixty men, arrived, and from them, as well as those we sent to invite the Indians to meet and treat 
with us, we received assurances that the chiefs of all the towns vould certainly come; that they were very much 
pleased with the intention of Congress, and very desirous of establishing with them a permanent peace. 

On the 7th of November, we were Informed that some false reports had been circulated through the nation, 
which had created jealousies among them, and discouraged them from coming to meet us,; and that we had only to 
expect the Tallassee king, with twenty young men, in addition to those alreadv arnved. On the next day, we agreed 
to meet the Indians, and explain to them the object of our commission, at the same time remarking, we could not 
treat with so few of their nation, there being but two towns propeHy represented, instead of about one hundred— 
the number in the wiiole nation. As those towns had been always friendly to the United States, we gave them 

some presents and left them. . -., .i t j- j i ,• j .■ 

The commissioners of Georgia visited us. previous to our conference with the Indians, and delivered us the pro- 
test marked A, to which we returned the answer marked B. The day after we left Galphinton, the agents of 
Georgia held a treaty with the few Indians then present, and obtained a cession of all the lands south of the Alta- 
maha and eastward of a line to be run southwest from the junction of the Oakmulgee and Oconee rivers, till it 
shall strike St. Maiy's, witli a confirmation of the lands ceded to tlie State by the same towns, northeast of the 
Oconee river, in 1783. j 

By various informations we have had from the Creek nation, the accounts Colonel Martin brought us fiom the 
Cherokees, and a letter wrote by McGIIIIvray, a half breed, to General Pickens, marked C, (which we enclose to 
shew Congress the ability of this man, who has great influence among his countrymein,) it appears that he is forming 
a dangerous confederacy between the several Indian nations, the Spaniards, and British agents, with whom he is 
connected. His resentment is chiefly against the citizens of Georgia, who banished his father, and confiscated a 
capital property which he had in that State. , r ■ 

There Is a capital Britlsli company of merchants, engaged, by licence from the court of Spain, to supply all the 
Indian nations to the southward, witli goods, through East Florida, in which company, it is said, McGiIlIvray is a 
partner, and tliey have their agents in all the towns from Tennessee, southwardly. 

We are, with due respect, sir, your most obedient and humble servants. 

BENJAMIN HAWKINS, 
ANDREW PICKENS, 
JOS. MARTIN, 
LACK. M'INTOSH. 

The Honorable Charles Thomson, Esquire, 

Secretary to the United States, in Congress assembled. 

[Note.— The protest, marked A, and the answer marked B, have been taken off the files of Congress by some 
committee, and never returned.] 



1-89.] THE CREEKS AND OTHERS. 17 



A. No. 2. 

Jirticles of a treaty cmcluded at Galphinton, on the \'2lh day of November, 1785, between the underwritten com- 
missioners, in behalf of the Stale of Georgia, of the one'part, and the kings'' headmen and warriors in behalf 
of themselves and all the Indians in the Creek nation, of the other, on the following conditions: 
Article 1. The said Indians, for themselves and all the tribes or towns within their respective nations, within 
the limits of the State of Georgia, have been, and now are. members of the same, (since the day and date of the con- 
stitution of the State of Georgia.) 

Art. 2. If any citizen of this State, or other person or persons, shall attenipt to settle any of the lands reserved 
to the Indians for their hunting grounds, such person or persons may be detained untill the Governor shall demand 
him or them: and then it shallbe lawful for any of the tribes near such offenders, to cotne and seethe punishment 
according to such laws as now are, or hereafter shall be, enacted by the said State I'or trying such offenders 

Art. 3. It shall in no case be understood that the punishment of the innocent, under the ideaof retaliation, shall 
be practised on either side. 

Art. 4. If any citizen of this Sfate, or other white person or persons, shall commit a robbery, or murder, or 
other capital crime, on any Indian, such offendei-s shall be delivered up to justice, and shall be tried according to 
the laws of the State, ami due notice of such intended punishment shall be sent to some one of the tribes. 

Art. 5. If any Indian shall commit a robbery, or murder, or other capital crime, on any white person, such 
offendei-s shall receive punishment adequate to such offence; and due notice of such intended punishment shall be 
given to his honor the Governor. 

Art. 6. In case of any design being formed in any neighboring tribe against the peace or safety of the State, 
which they shall know or suspect, they shall make known the same to his honor the Governor. 

Art. 7. All white person or persons shall be at liberty, and conducted in safety into the settled parts of the 
State, when they shall require it, except such persons as shall come under the restrictions pointed out in the second 
article. 

Art. 8. The Indians shall restore all the negroes, horses, and other property, that are or may be among them, 
belonging to any citizen of this State, or any other person or persons whatsoever, to such person as the Governor 

Art. 9. That tJie trade with the said Indians shall be carried on as heretofore. 

Art. 10. All horses iielonglng to any Indian, that shall be found in the said Slate, such horses shall be restored 
to such person, as the head of the tribe, "where such Indian may reside, shall direct. 

Art. 11. The present temporary line, rsserved to the Indians for their hunting grounds, shall be agreeable to 
a treaty held at Augusta, in the year 1783: and that a new temporary line shall begm at tiie forks of tTie Oconee 
and Oakmulgee rivers; thence, in a southwest direction, until it shall intersect the most southern part of the stream 
called St, Maiy's river, including all the islands and waters of the said stream; thence, dovvn the said stream, to 
the old line; and all the ground witliout the said new temporary line, when run and completed, shall be reserved to 
the said Indians for their hunting grounds as aforesaid. 

In witness whereof, the parties have hereunto affixed their hands and seals, tlic day and year before written. 

While the commissioners of the United States were at Galphinton, the commissioners of Georgia copied their 
draught of the aiticles intended to be proposed to the Creeks, and which were afterwards the basis of the treaty with 
the Cherokees. 

B. H. 

A. No. 3. 

Georgia: /n General Assembly, Saturday, February 11, 1786. 

The committee to whom was referred the proceedings of the State commissioners, appointed to attend the conti- 
nental commissioners to a meeting with the (^iierokees and other Indians to the southward, report: 

That itappears to yourcommittee, certain commissioners of the United States, in Congress assembled, at Galphin- 
ton, did attempt a treaty with the Creek Indians, and did also, at Hopewell, in the State ot South Carolina, enter into a 
pretended treaty with some oithe Ch^-rokees, and some parts of other tribes therein named, which said pretended treaty, 
and all other proceedings that have yet transpired, area manifest and direct attempt to violate the retained sovereignty 
and legislative right of this State, and repugnant to the principles and harmony of the Federal Union; inasmucli a** 
the aforesaid commissioners did attempt to exercise powers that are not delegated by the respective States to the 
United States, in Congress assembled: Wherefore your committee recommend the following resolutions: 

1st. That the delegates of this State be directed to make a represent;ition of the conduct ot the said commissioners 
to the United States, in ('ongress assembled, anti to move and contend for an immediateabolition of their powers, an 
the continuation of such appointment would tend to weaken and destroy tiiat entire confidence in the wisdom and 
justice of Congress, which this State wishes ever to preserve. 

2d. That the delegates be requested to apply for, and immediately send to the Governor, authenticated copies of 
the commissioners' instructions, and all proceedings thereon of the said commissioners, in order that such measures 
may be taken as will most effectually preserve the sovereign, territorial, and legislative rights of this State, as well 
as the rights and privileges to which each citizen is entitled, by the confederation and by the laws of the land. 

3d. That all and every act and thing done, or intended to be done, within the limits and jurisdiction of this State, 
by the said commissioners, inconsistent of the beforementioned rights and privileges, shall be, and the same are 
hereby declared to be, null and void. 

4tli. That the thanks of this House be given to the Hon. Edward Telfair, and to John King, and Thomas Glasscock, 
Esqrs. commissioners on the part oi this State, for their patriotism and vigilance in discharging the duties required 
of them at tiie aforesaid meetings; that each of them be allowed three dollars per day, during their actual attendance 
on the said business; and that the Governor and Council take order accordingly. 

Which was agreed to. 

Extract from the minutes. JAS. M. SIMMONS, Clk. G. A. 

B. No. 1. 

Little Tallassie, September 5, 1785. 
Sir: 

I am favored with your letter by Brandon, who, after detaining it near a month, sent it by an Indian a few 
days ago. He perhaps has some reasons for keeping himself at a distance from this. He caused old Mr. McQueen 
to take charge of this letter in answer to yours, he being shortly to set out for Augusta. 

The notihcation you have sent us is agreeable to our wishes, especially as the meeting is intended for the desira- 
ble purpose of adjusting and settling matters on an equitable footing between the United States and the Indian nations. 
At the same time, I cannot avoid expressing my surprise that a measure of this nature should have been so long 
delayed on your parts. When we found that the American independency was confirmed by the peace, we expectea 
that the new Government would soon have taken some steps to make up the differences that subsisted between them 
and the Indians during the war, and to have taken them into protection, and confirm to them their hunting grounds. 
Such aconduct would have reconciled the minds of the Indians, and secured to the States their attachment and friend- 
ship, and considered them as their natural guardians and allies. Georgia, whose particular interest it was to have 
endeavored to conciliate the friendship of this nation, but, instead of which, I am sorry to observe that violence and 



18 .J- INDIAN AFFAIRS. [1789. 

prejudice had taken place of good policy and reason in all their proceedings with us. They attempted to avail them- 
selves of our supposed distressed situation. Their talks to us breathed nothing but vengeance; and, being entirely 
possessed with the idea that we were wholly at their mercy, they never once retiected that the colonies of a powerful 
monarch were nearly surrounding us, and to whom, in any extremity, we might apply for succor and protection ; and who, 
to answer some end of their policy, might grant it to us. However, we yet deferred any such proceeding, still 
expecting we could bring them to a sense of meir true interest; but, still finding no alteration in their conduct towards 
us, we sought the protection of Spain, and treaties of friendship and alliance were mutually entered into : they to gua- 
ranty our hunting grounds and territory, and to grant us a free trade in the ports of the Floridas. 

How the boundary or limits between the Spaniards and the States will be determined, a little time will show, as 
I believe that matter is now on foot. However, we know our own limits, and the extent of our hunting grounds; 
and, as a free nation, we have applied, as we have a right, and have obtained protection for, so that we shall 
pay no regard to any limits that may prejudice our claims, that were drawn by an American, and confirmed by a 
British, negotiator. Yet, notwithstanding we have been obliged to adopt these measures for our preservation, and 
from real necessity, we sincerely wish to have it in our power to be on the same footing with the States as before 
the late unhappy war; to eft'ect which is entirely in your power. We want nothing from you but justice. We want 
our hunting grounds preserved from encroachments. They have been ours from the beginning of time, and I trust 
that, with the assistance of our friends, we shall be able to maintain them against every attempt that may be made to 
take them from us. 

Finding our representations to the State of Georgia of no effect, in restraining their encroachments, we tliought 
it proper to call a meeting of the nation on the matter; we then came to a resolution, to send out parties to re- 
move the people and effects from off the lands in question, in die most peaceable manner possible. 

Agreeable to your requisition, and to convince you of my sincere desire to restore a good understanding between 
us, I have taken the necessary steps to prevent any future predatory excursions of my people, against any of your 
settlements. I could wish that the people of Cumberland shewed an equal good disposition to do what is right. 
They were certainly the first aggressors since the peace, and acknowledged it in a written certificate, left at the 
Indian camp they had plundered. 

I have only to add that we shall prepare ourselves to meet the commissioners of Congi-ess, whenever we shall 
receive notice, in expectation that every matter of difference will be made up and settled, with that liberality and 
justice, worthy the men who have so gloriously asserted the cause of liberty and independency, and that we shall 
in future consider them as brethren and defenders of the land. 

I am, with much respect, sir, your most obedient servant, 

Hon. Andrew Pickens, Esq. ALEX. McGlLLIVRAY. 

I should be sony that your interest should suffer in the hands of Brandon, but he has committed so many thefts 
in horses, and to satisfy the people we have given him up to be made an example of, and I imagine liis goods are 
gone for satisfaction. He is a very unfit person for a trader; as I have pretty well cleared the nation of such kind 
of people, he must not look for indulgence in these parts. 

A. McG. 

B. No. 2. 

Little Tallassie, 8th ^pril, \7^7. 
Sik: 

I had the pleasure to receive tiie letter that you favored me with by Mr. Miller, on your arrival at the 
Cussetahs. 

It is with real satisfaction that I learn of your being appointed by Congress, for the laudable purpose of inquiring 
into, and settling the differences that at present subsist between our nation and the Georgians. It may be neces- 
sary for you to know the cause of those differences, and of our discontents, which, perhaps, have never come to the 
knowledge of the honorable body that has sent you to our country. 

There are chiefs of two towns in this nation, who, during the late war, were friendly to the State of Georgia, 
and had gone at different times to that State, and, once, after the general peace, when the people of Augusta 
demanded a cession or grant of lands belonging to, and enjoyed as hunting ground by the Indians of this nation, in 
common, on the East of the Oconee river, whicli demand was rejected by those chiefs, on the plea that those grounds 
were hunting lands of the nation, and could not be granted by two individuals; but, alter a few days, a promise 
was extorted from them, that, on their return to their own country, they would use their influence to get a grant 
confirmed. Upon these men reporting this affair, on coming home, a general convention was held at the Teicki- 
batiks town, wnen those two chiefs were severally censured ibr their conduct, and the chiefs of ninety-eight towns 
agreed upon a talk to be sent to Savannah, disapproving, in the strongest manner, ot the demand made upon their 
nation, and denied the right of any two of their country, to making any cession of land, which could only be valid 
by the unanimous voice ot the whole, as joint proprietors, in common. Yet, these two, regardless of the voice of 
the nation, continued to go to Augusta, and other places within that State, continuing to make such promises, to 
obtain presents, our customs not permitting us to punish them for the crime; we warned tlie Georgians ot the dan- 
gerous consequences that would certainly attend the settling of the lands in question. Our just remonstrances were 
treated with contempt, and those lands were soon filled with settlers. The nation, justly alarmed at the encroach- 
ments, resolved to use force to maintain their riglits; yet, being averse to shedding the blood of a people whom we 
would rather consider as friends, we made another effort to awaken in them a sense of justice and equity; but, we 
found from experience, that entreaty could not prevail, and parties of warriors were sent out to drive off all intru- 
dei-s, but to shed no blood, only where self preservation made it necessary. 

This was in May, 1786. In October following, we were invited, by commissioners of the State of Georgia, to 
J meet them, in conference, at the Oconee, professing a sincere desire for an amicable adjustment of our disputes, and 
t pledging their sacred honors for the safety and good treatment of all those that should attend and meet them. It not 
being convenient for many of us to go to the proposed conference, a few towns, say their chiefs, attended, most of 
whom, merely from motives of curiosity, and were surprised to nnd an armed body of men, prepared for, and pro- 
fessing hostile intentions, than peaceable commissioners. Apprehensions for personal safety, induced those chiefs 
to subscribe to every demand that was asked by the army and its commissioners; lands were again demanded, and 
the lives of some of our chiefs were required, as well as some innocent traders, as a sacrifice to appease their anger. 
Assassins have been employed to eft'ect some part of their atrocious purposes. If I fall by the hand of such, I shall 
fall a victim in the noblest of causes — that of falling in maintaining the just rights of my country. I aspire to the 
honest ambition of meriting the appellation of the preserver of my country, equally with those chiefs among you, 
whom, from acting on such principles, you have exalted to the highest pitch of glory; and, if, after every peaceable 
mode of obtalnmg a redress of grievances having proved fruitless, the having recourse to arms to obtain it, be marks 
of the savage, and not of the soldier, what savages must the Americans be, and how much undeserved applause 
have your Cincinnatus, your Fabius, obtained. If war names had been necessary to distinguish those chiefs in such 
a case, the man-killer, tlie great destroyer, &c. would have been the proper appellations. 

I had appointed the Cussetahs, for all the chiefs of the lower Creeks, to meet in convention. I shall be down 
in a few days, when, from your timely arrival, you will meet the chiefs, and will learn their sentiments, and I 
sincerely hope tliat the propositions that you shall offer us will be of such a nature that we can safe accede to. The 
talks of the former commissioners of Congress, at Galphinton. were much approved of, and your coming from the 
white town (seat of Congress) has raised great expectations that you will remove the principal, and almost only 



I 



1:89.] THE CREEKS AND OTHERS. I9 

cause of our disputes, that is, securing to us all our possessions and hunting grounds entire, and clear tliem of 
encroachments. When we meet, we shall talk these matters over. Meantime, 

1 have the honor to be, with regard, sir, your most obedient servant, 

ALEX. McGILLIVRAY. 

The Indians that were detained as hostages in Augusta, must speedily be liberated, or hostilities will soon com- 
mence, as their relations are uneasy on their accounts. 

Hon. James White. Esq. 

Superintendent of Indian Affairs for the United States. 

B. No. 3. 

Little Tallassie, Upper Creeks, January 4th. ) 789. 
Sir: 

I take this opportunity to write to you, in answer to a letter which you did me the favor to write me in Sep- 
tember last, from Seneca, in which was enclosed a proclamation issued by Congress, requiring all the whites that 
are settled on the lands of the Cherokee*, to remove from oft' them immediately. This measure, together with the 
talk from the Governor of Virginia, appears to have given much satisfaction to the Cherokees. The Little Turkey! 
or Coweta King, with some warriors, relations to the Dragging Canoe, have been to consult me on these subjects, 
bringing with them all the talks that they had received for some time past. I gave it as my opinion to them, that 
the talks in question might be safe.v relied on; that the talk of Congress was a strong one, to their people, who 
would obey it, and the Governor bpng a principal chief and ruler, he would not speak with a forked tongue; and 
that, in the ensuing spring, there w\) ;ltl be a great meeting, for the purpose of concluding a general peace, the 
tenns of which would be very favorab e to them; in the meantime, the cliiefs should advise all the young Avairiors 
to attend closely to hunting duiing tlie winter, instead of risking their lives for a scalp, which, when obtained, 
would not purchase clothing for their families; and that, considering them as an oppressed people, I had agreed to 
give them assistance, to enable them to obtain a good peace; but they were not to consider me as engaged to sup- 
port them in an unjust and an unnecessary war. 

The people of your State, who complain of our people molesting them, are not rightly informed : for, besides that 
I always have endeavored to confine the excursions of our warriors to the people with wiiom we have ground of 
quarrel, the State of Virginia and its dependencies are very far distant, and I never knew that a Creek had ever 
been near Kentucky, at least from the nation; there are several who have wives and families among the Cherokees, 
and constantly reside there; those 1 cannot answer for, being to be reckoned as Cherokees. It is the custom of a 
("reek to disregard all connexions and country, and cleave to his wife: those that have wives abroad, never return 
to their native land. 

The gentlemen, my friends, do me justice when they inform you that I am desirous of peace. I have been now 
five years in laboring to bring about one with the State of Georgia, but in vain; more than a twelvemonth after the 
general peace was spent by us in representing to them, in friendly terms, the cruelty and injustice of their pro- 
ceedings, of wresting forcibly from us a large portion of our hunting lands, and which were in a great measure 
necessary for our support; that we were not situated as several other Indian nations were, with immense wilder- 
nesses behind us. On the contrary, we were surrounded from west to north, bv the Choctaws, Chickasaws, Cum- 
berland, and Cherokees, and on every other siile by the whites, so that our liunting grounds were already very 
insufficient for our purposes; to all \yhich we were always answered in hauglity and contemptuous language, with 
threats to drive us over the Mississippi; so that, having nothing to hope from their justice or humanity, it was 
resolved to raise up the red hatchet for self preservation. As our cause was just, so Ibrtune has i'avored our exer- 
tions in (lri\-ing them from the contested ground. Though the war has reduced them to an extremity of distress, yet 
their stubbormuss of pride is such, they take no measures to retract the cqnduct which has brought them to it; they 
have spurned everj' attempt that Congress has ottered at, to accommodate, by its interference, tlie disputes between 
us. The new Congress will equally find them obstinate and intractable; the only method they can adopt, will be to 
leave the Georgians to their fate; and in another season 'tis probable that they will be brought to reason. 

I shall be glad to be favored with an account, when convenient, soon after the meeting of the new Congress, and 
in what manner tlie new constitutirm is finally settle»l. Any tiling that I can serve you in, pray freely command. 

I remain with regarcl, your most obedient servant, 

ALEX. McGILLIVRAY. 

Hon. Andrew MooRj Esquire, 

Commissioner for treating with the Cherokees for State of f'irginia. 

B. No. 4. 

Little Tallassie, Upper Creek Nation, 26//i February, 1789. 
Sir: 

Your Excellency's letter of 6tli November, is just come to hand, enclosed in one from the superintendent 
and commissioners, by which I find that the respectable State of South Carolina, viewing with concern the conti- 
nuance of the destructive contest carrj'ing on between our nation, the Creeks, and their sister State of Georgia, have 
been induced, from their good intentions to both, to offer their interference to bring about an amicable adjustment 
of the disputes subsisting between us, which ofter we can have no gowl reason for objecting to; and as your Excel- 
lency, as chief of the State, has stept fiirward as the mediator, it is very necessary that you. in that capacity, should 
be informed of the real grounds of such dispute, and from the account which I shall give you of it, you will readily 
admit, that we had the best reasons for opposition. Directly after the conclusion of a general peace was announced 
to us all, the Georgians sent up an invitation to our chiefs to meet them in treaty at Augusta, professing it was with 
an intention of burying the hatchet, and with it the remembrance of everj' injury which they had sustained from us 
in the war of Britain. The call bein" at an inconvenient season, the proper chiefs not being in the way, a few- 
people who, during the war, pretended to neutrality, attended the call at Augusta, and on conferences then held, the 
leading people of the upper parts of that State maue a demand of a large cession of lands, comprehending our best 
hunting grounds, as a compensation for the injuries sustained by them in the war, and which was enforced by bands 
of armea men, who at the same time surrounded them, threatening them with instant deadi if it was refused. The 
two chiefs then present being of the second rank, truly told them that the demand was unexpected, and were unpre- 
pared to answer it, and being only two men, could not promise that any grant that they should be forced to consent 
to make, would be confirmed by the chiefs of the nation, as it was not unknown to the white people that it was 
necessary that the joint voice of the whole nation should make and confirm such grants. This reply not satisfying the 
Georgians, they persisted and renewed their threats; then these men, to escape the threatened danger, consented 
as far as what concerned them, but could not engage to bind the whole to their act. When these men arrived in the 
nation, a general convention was immediately called to deliberate on this affair; the chiefs of more than forty towns 
assembleol when they reprobated the transactions of the two inferior chiefs in strong terms, and refused to consent 
to any such cession, and desired me to inform the Georgians of the same, and to warn them that, if the threatened 
encroachments were made, a war would immediately eiisue, which I did in a letter to Mr. Houston, the Governor. 



20 ■'' INDIAN AFFAIRS. [1789, 

This is a true account of the transactions of the first of three pretended treaties which the commissioners mention 
in their letter to me; the second invitation which we received to treat, was made hy Colonel Hawkins and General 
Pickens, under tiie appointment of Congress, as they informed me, and mentioned that they liad not, at ihat lime, 
fixed upon any place to meet us; but, when that point was settled, they would give a second notification, and wliich 
1 never received. Soon after 1 learned that the Georgians took up the matter, and smuggled atrealy at Galphinton, 
on Ogeechee, to which place they secretly invited a few of our people, whom they had bribed and secured to their 
interests, and who they were sure would agrree to any thing that was asked of them, and (here of course a cession 
was again asked of them, with a large addition. Sometime after, I received a letter from Col. Hawkins, desiring to 
know my reasons for not meeting at Ogeechee, at the same time remarking, that he did not consider the few that 
attended, a proper representation of the Cicek nation; he said nothing to them; the authority of the commissioner 
of Congress, I expect, will be sufficient evidence to overset any claim that is founded on a giant of this treaty. 

Another convention protested, through me, in warm terms, to the Georgians, respecting their conduct in ottering 
to make pretensions to cessions of land obtained from aJ£w_beggars, who only want to obtain presents. The third 
invitation which was sent to us to treat, was from the Georgians only, through their commissioners, at the head of 
whom was Mr. M. Habersham, President of the Executive Council, and he proposes the Oconee river foi' the place 
of meeting. In the letter, they "pledged their sacred honor" for the safety and welfare of every one that would 
attend their conferences; but I being so often threatened, and having the worst opinion ol" the back people, as they 
are called, did not go, but sent a kw Coweta warriors, to report to me on their return. During (he conferences of 
Oconee, an additional cession was demanded, which was strongly opposed by the Cov/etas, and odiers, for which 
they were violently insulted by a Colonel Clark, in the presence of the commissioners, who could not prevent it; 
and, though Iheir sacred honors were pledged for maintaining good order, yet several warriors, of different towns, 
were forcibly seized upon by armed men, and conveyed to Augusta, more as prisoners than hostages, to be kept as 
a pledge that my life and six more of leading men, should be taken. Such a conduct convinced the whole nation 
that it was full time to adopt measures for the general safety. A general convention was appointed, to be held in 
May for that purpose, and a few days before it was opened, a Doctor White arrived in the nation, with an appoint- 
ment of Superintendent of Indian Affairs, from Congress; the chiefs assembled, shewed him every attention, and, on 
account of his arrival, the two men who had given the grants, as before related, were called upon to attend, (for 
they had not mingled themselves with the others for shame) that Doctor White should know the truth. He very 
minutely interrogated those men concerning the foregoing matters, and they gave him (he same account of (he first 
treaty, as it is called, and of the rest, as 1 have done, l^he Doctor used his best ability to get the chiefs in conven- '' 
tion to consent to the disputed cession, but in vain; on the contrary, the chiefs, by their speaker, the king of the 
Cowetas, told Doctor White, that, before the^ would give more lands, they would rather risk an attempt to resume 
what the nation had formerly been deprived of. The Doctor, on his going away, required of me a written represen- 
tation of the causes of our discontents, to be shewn to Ccmgress, which I gave him, and am certain that it is in tlie 
possession of that honorable body; the subject of which made part of the deliberations of a committee ordered to sit 
upon Indian aftiiirs, and to report the same. A printed report of that committee I have now in the house, and, 
from sentiments contained in it, I had great hopes that it would form the basis tor accommodating matters between 
us and the Georgians, and which would be very satisliictory to us. I beg leave next to remark to you, that, if the 
Georgians, after (lie peace, had conducted themselves to us with moderation and humanity, we should not have fallen 
out with them for trifles; and they have brought the war on themselves, by manifesting, at the outset, an unaccom- 
modating and persecuting spirit towards us. Our situation does by no means admit of our giving away our lands; 
we are already closely surrounded, and our hunting grounds much circumscribed. There is the State of Georgia 
on the east, southeast and southwest by (he Spanish Floridas, west by the nations of the Choctaws and Chickasaws, 
<)n the north by the Cherokees and Cumberland. We are not situated as the western and northern nations, with 
immense deserts at our back; all this tells us that we must struggle hard to preserve our hunting grounds, and 
perish to a man in its defence: for where can we go to possess ourselves of new ones.'' Such forcible considerations 
with us, may weigh nothing in the minds of those who think that Indians are only animals fit to be exterminated: 
and this is a language which I know is held in many places in your country; but let us be what we may, let it be 
attempted when it will, it will be found no very easy enterprise. I have given your Excellency a very circum- 
stantial account of the origin of the contest between us and the Georgians, from which you will find, that the 
Georgians have no \vell founded cause of quarrel with us, and that they can have no just claim to your assistance; 
for, to support them in this contest, is to side with injustice and oppression; a reproach which I firmly believe that 
the respectable State over which you preside will not subject its magnanimity and honor to. " Very far am I, sir, 
from spurning at your offered mediation; but the letter of the commissioners puts it out of my power, or rather 
makes it of no efl'ect, as they declare that it is impossible for them to comply with our requisition, to restore to us 
the territory usurped from us by the Georgians," wishing us to ''I'econsider the matter, as the Georgians' claims are 
founded on three treaties signed by our headmen and warriors." 

The treaties alluded to have been faithfully reported to you. One of the new commissioners. General Pickens, 
formerly by letter acknowledged to me, that he was in Augusta at the time the first treaty, as it is called, was held, 
and the manner in which a consent to a cession was extorted was very unfair. The General, as a gentleman, will not 
deny his assertion. I cannot take upon myself to engage to meet the commissioners to enter into an investigation of 
this subject; it will be attended with no good el!ect: the claims will be endeavored to be maintained, and we shall 
be as firm in attempting to overthrow it, and disagreeable, if not bloody consequences would be the result of such 
conferences. I understand your Excellency very well when vou say, that you are not unprepared for a change of 
circumstances; that is, we shall, or must, purchase peace of the Georgians, at the expense of sacrificing our rights, 
properties, and life itself, or you are resolved to join that State in hostility against us. The conjmissioners also say 
that Congress is resolved to do justice to Georgia. All this has the most formidable appearance. I by no means 
make light of the great power which thus menaces: if 'tis determinejl. as I suspect it is the case, to attempt at a con- 
quest of our country, we will be found as determined to oppose it. 6pain is bound by treatyto protect and support 
us in our claims and properties; we shan't want for means ot^ defiance, but still I hope, for I earnestly desire, that 
your influence and power will be used to set every matter to rights in a peaceable manner, rather than to exercise 
the calamities of war. 

I am returned, a month or two since, from a tour through the principal of the Lower towns and Seminoles, which I 
made for the purpose of urging them to a strict observance of the truce; and I believe I can venture to assure your • 
Excellency, that no complaints will be made for any breaches of it duou^hout the winter. 
I have the honor to be, with most respectful consideration. 

Your Excellency's most obedient servant, 

ALEX. McGILLIVRAY. 
His Excellency Thomas Pinckney, Esq. 

Governor of the State of South Carolina. 

C. No. 1. 

Fayetteville, May Z4fh, 1787. 
Sir: 

Bein^ lately returned from the Creek nation, which occasioned the alarm in Georgia last summer, I do myself 
the honor of sendm§ you an account of the state of those Indians. 

The invasion which threatened that State had subsided ere my arrival j and first appearances seemed to promise 
tranquillity; for hostages had been given by some of the Indians to give satisfaction, and enlarge the boundary of the 
State. I soon discovered these hostages were but of imaginary consequence; they were taken from the Cusitash, a 
town not only without imputation of offence on this occasion, but at all times attached to the white people in asin- 



JrSft] THE CREEKS AND OTHERS. 21 



gular manner. My tour to the nation convinced me, that these men answered no other purpose by their detention, 
man to alienate the minds of such of the Indians as might be favorably disposed; they have since been dismissed, 
all but a youth, who, in his impatience of confinement, put himself to death. The further Creeks who had insulted 
the State, continue in the same disposition; and if their hatchet has been hitherto restrained it has been through , ^ 
their respect to the United States, Their dispositions had been favorably inclined by the liberal sentiments of the 
former commissioners from Congress, and they had got information that there was an agent now coming to them 
from that honorable body. This withheld their resentment to the State of Georgia. They have all along been 
avowedly opposed to the new settlements of the white people. The sentiments of the Loiver towns seemed not so 
well known till I went out; but at a full meeting of these latter, they also protested against what they termed the 
Georgian encroachments, which they declared they would repel by force. From a sketch of the proceedings at that 
meeting, (paper No. 1) you may see that the veiy Indians, said to have made the grants, were the first to accuse 
the State of liaving extorted land from them under pretence of cessions. All their expressions, indeed, were min- 
gled with respect for the power that had delegated the superintendent to whom they addressed their talk. "' But 
diere was a third party, (tne Georgians) they said, which evidently meant injustice and oppression." The meet- 
ing, upon the whole, concluded so unfavorably, that there was room to apprehend an immeaiate invasion. To that, 
however, a temporary stop was put by an idea, of their influential Chief, McGillivray. In this there was something 
so singular, that perhaps I may be excused for relating it circumstantially. The following, therefore, was nearly 
the address of that Inaian Chief: " Notwithstanding that, as the guardian of the Indian rights, I prompt them to 
defend their lands, yet I must declare 1 look upon the United States as our most natural allies. Two years I 
waited before I would seek for the alliance I have formed. I was compelled to it. I could not but resent the 
greedy encroachments of the Georgians; to say nothing of their scandalous and illiberal personal abuse. Notwith- 
standing which, I will now put it to the test whether they or myself entertain the most generous sentiments of 
respect for Congress. If that honorable body can form a government to the southward of the Altamaha, I will be 
the first to take the oath of allegiance thereto; and in return to the Georgians, for yielding to the United States 
that claim, I will obtain a regular and peaceable grant of the lands on the Oconee, on which they have deluded 
people to settle, under pretence of grants from the Indians, you yourself have seen how ill founded. However, if 
this takes place. 1 will put this matter out ol dispute for them. I will give you to the first of August for an answer." 
I hope I shall be excused for relating this unexpected proposal in his own words, as nearly as I can recollect; 
his motives were probably inclination as well as interest. I could discover that his natural bias is not towards his 
Spanish allies, and he is a trader of a company that imports largely, from which the government of Pensacola exacts 
an exorbitant impost. On the other hand, he would not only expect a more moderate duty through the Altamalia, 
but the Indian country is more accessible through that way. 

The strength of these Indians is about 6,000 gun-men, mostly well armed with rifles; they extend down the 
waters of the Alabama, and Apalachicola rivers, along to the point of Florida, through the Spanish territories; 
through which they could have a convenient retreat in case they were forced by an expedition against them. It is 
beyond a doubt that they receive every encouragement, from the jealous policy of the Spaniards, against us; from 
thi^ source they are already provided with ammunition, magazines of which are dispersed through their towns, and 
reserved for a public occasion. I am well informed, that when the Creeks were threatened from Georgia, the 
Spanish influence, in favor of those Indians, was very active with the Choctaws. 

With what conveniency the United States could carry on a war with the Creeks, I cannot detennine; but I may 
be permitted to remark, that the State of Georgia, only in holding a partial treaty with some of them, last autumn, 
was obliged to have recourse to a paper medium, which is already depreciated 400 per cent. ; and it was with great 
difficulty that the troops raised lor this Indian business could be kept together till it terminated in the unsubstan- 
tial manner it did. 

The causes that excite an unfriendly disposition in the Indians, piay in part be gathered from Mr. McGillivray 's 
letter, which comes enclosed to you. liesides, there are the following, among other causes: 

The natural reluctance of the Indians to part with any of their lands: for, to use their own expression, they 
look on their lands as their blood and their life, which they must fight for rather than part with. 2d. Because, in 
obtaining the new purchase, a sufticiently general consent of the nation was wanting; and even that partial consent 
extorted by threats, as they pretend. 3d. The white people on the frontier continuing their encroachments; they 
pursue their surveys into the Indian countrv', and destroy the game there. 

Much also of the Indian animosity may be ascribed to the instigations of Mr. McGillivray, who is said to be in 
Spanish pay, and entertains a personal resentment to the State of Georgia. To this may be added habits of enmity 
contracted during the war, and their connexion with the British. In like manner, the Spanish influence now suc- 
ceeds to that. 

I have sent you the letter from Mr. McGillivray, not only as it may serve to give some idea of the character of 
the man, but also, as it contains a state of Indian complaints. 

The two papers (No. 2 and .'5) from the Legislature and Executive of the State of Georgia, will help to shew in 

what manner that Government has received the institution of a superintendent within the claim of their jurisdiction. 

Permit me to enclose, also, a letter to McGillivray, and a talk to the Lower Creeks; you will please to judge 

if any of the contents may be proper to offl>r to the attention of Congress; it appeared necessary for me to mention 

at least the proposal, as above, from McGillivray. 

I am, with the greatest lespect, sir, your obedient and humble servant, 

JAMES WHITE. 
The Honorable Major General Knox. 



C. No. 2. 

Cassetash, April 4. 1787. 
Sir: 

I flattered myself I should have been able in person to deliver you the enclosed. Unfortunately, the decline 
of my health has disappointed me in that expectation. It is with difficulty, indeed, that I have reached thus far; 
but I am encouraged by reflecting, that if our ettbrts are successful in removing the misunderstanding which seems 
to have taken place between the people of Georgia and some part of the Creek nation, we shall have rendered 
good offices, perhaps, equally to both. That this can be effected, I the more readily hope, as each party seems to 
entertain an inclination to avoid the further efTusion of human blood on the occasion. I assure you, sir, the better 
and more moderate people among us, appear to wish there may be no cause to proceed to extremes. 

As for the Uni,ted States, the very nature of their Government is averse to violence; and if, through the ties of the 
confederation, there is a necessity to turn the force of the continent into this quarter, it will not be without regret 
that there is occasion for the disagreeable measure. 

In like manner, it is with pleasure I perceive by your letters, that the Indians only wish their rights may not 
be violated. Let both parties, therefore, condescend a little. For my part, the very small share of persuasion I 
possess among the white people, shall be exerted for so good a purpose, as, indeed, it has not been hitherto neglected; 
your more powerful influence among this people cannot certainly take place to a better end; matters may be ami- 
cably settled. It will prove a mutual advantage. 

I confess, among the herd of white people, there are many who may be ripe for precipitating themselves into 
measures as injurious to others, as destructive to themselves. The same, no doubt, among tne Indians. To restrain 
this temper, is the duty of more sober reflection. 

As for the occasion of these animosities, which I am sorry has subsisted, the territory of the State is, I own, in 
my opinion, amply extensive; and this consideration is a security for the Indians, that there will be no similar ground 
4 * 



22 INDIAN AFFAIRS. [1789. 

/ for complaint in future; as it cannot be an object with Goveniment to disperse its subjects still more widely, while 
' there is so much internal room for cultivation; I can take upon me to assure you that measures are adopted with 
strict severity for curbing the licentiousness of any who might be disposed to give offence to this people. 

On the other hand, the white people are not without heavy complaints. They allege that the assassination in cold 
blood of their unsuspecting fellow citizens, can scarcely be atoned for— barbarities which may, indeed, raise the 
indignation of a civilized people; but, as you well know, it requires a different spirit to bring them to any terms, so 
you will be the first to discountenance these marks, not of the soldier, but the savage. 

With respect to the subject that produced these enormities, if I may be permitted to remark without the imputa- 
tion of partiality, it is obvious that, as the Creeks have no written laws or customs, it was to be supposed the people 
of Georgia would in reason view that purchase as good which they were to make from the people who were in the 
indisputed possession and use — the case of your Lower towns — however, as the subject of grievances is at all times 
a tender one, I am sorry if I have not touched it with a finger sufficiently delicate. Let us rather turn our views to 
the means of future peace and happiness. For this purpose, I am anxious for an early meeting, and I hope I am not 
deceived in thinking you will heartily concur in endeavors of so humane a tendency. 

As I propose going to the northward as soon as I see this business in any regular train, it would do me pleasure to 
convey any word to your correspondent Mr. H. who thinks of you with sentiments of singular esteem, and who is a 
man of a benevolence and philanthropy expanded beyond party and national contractedness. 

I am, witli great esteem, your obedient servant, 

JAMES WHITE. 
ITie Honorable Alexander McGillivray, Esq, 

One of the Chiefs of the Creek natioti. 

[For the answer to this letter, vide B.] 

C. No. 3. ■ 

^t a meeting of the Lower Creeeks. — jjpril 10, 1787. 
Friends and Brothers: 

The occasion that brings me here to see you, is, I believe, partly of the same nature as that for which you have 
met together. But before I enter upon the business, I cannot help expressing the pleasure I feel at seeing so many 
of our particular friends assembled. The Lower towns of the Creek nation have always shown a moderation and a 
prudence, which I feel and admire. If this disposition is continued, it will establish such a friendship and commerce, 
as will be infinitely better than quarrelling and bloodshed. 

There are many present who are already informed that I am sent here by the great council which, in peace and 
wai-, directs the affairs of all the thirteen united nations of white men, of which the Virginians, your neighbors, make 
a very small part. I come now from the centre of their government; at the distance from here of a whole moon's 
journey, on strong horses. 

Brothers: The Virginians of Georgia, who form one of the thirteen firesof our great council, complained, at the 
meeting last autumn, that their country was attacked, and their people killed by some bad men of the Creek nation. 
They demanded assistance, if due satisfaction was not given against the offenders. But the old and wise men of the 
great council, the Congress, before they would send out a strong army to assist in killing their brothers, the Indians, 
with whom they would rather be at peace, wished first to inquire into the matter, and see if all things could not be 
amicably settled. For this purpose they have sent me out. 

Now, Brothers, from peace may we not all reap advantage.' There can be none from spilling each other's 

blood. The Master of Breath lends us that breath but for a little while; why then should we snatch it from one 

another sooner than he designs.'' For this reason, I hope both parties will be moderate. Perhaps it hath been a little 

the fault of both parties that any of the human blood hath been spilt on the occasion; 1 hope that now, each will 

yield a little to t'ne other. When our friends of the Creek nation, who are now at Augusta, come up, they will tell 

you how much I inculcated this to the white people; I was happy to find them disposed to it, except a few of their 

mad young men, who were too apt to be disposed to war; but their nation will not be rigorous in their demands: 

they have presents in waiting for the Indians, who, I hope, will go down and receive the goods. I am convinced 

/'that this nation will not, in the end, lose any thing by confirming the grant of such lands as many of the respecta- 

j' ble men of the nation have thought might be spared, and have already granted; which gift it would look unmanly to 

' retract, if it could be done, but it cannot. 

Brothers: I have carefully avoided to mention any old cause of quarrels, and I hope there will be none for the 
future. You will find tliat the headmen among the Virginians have lately made provision for severely punishing any 
of their bad folks, who shall disturb their friends the Indians. 

I will not trouble you further, but to mention one thing, which concerns us all, and which I feel from my heart: 
the red people and the white are equally interested in it. We are countrymen; we live in the same land; we 
breathe the same air; we should be brothers. The Kings and people who live over the great water, will wish to 
subdue us all. They will use cunning and force. Perhaps at this very time there are men employed among you to 
set you against us. It is not so long since, but you must remember how one of these Powers made violent efforts 
of this kind, even upon us, the white people, their children. But to tell you what is done by others of them to 
people of your color, towards the mid-day sun, vcould fill you with horror. Ought we not, therefore, to grasp one 
another with a strong arm of friendship, the more easily to repel these foreigners.' Go down, then, and receive the 
presents which are kept for you as marks of friendship, when you run the line, as you have agreed. You will be 
assured that every care has been taken by the Virginians to prevent your receiving anv offence; as you, I flatter 
myself, will also do by them. For my part, when I return from whence I came, 1 shall have the pleasure to tell 
the great council of Congress this; then they, far from sending an army into the Creek nation, will exert themselves 
to give trade, and the comforts of life, to you and your families. This will make the chain of our friendship brighter, 
and, indeed, will be better for us all. 

Before I make an end, I must inform you that our friend Chewocleymicho, and his compamons, the hostages, 
are in good health and spirits. I have sent down to request they may be brought up, that it may not appear hai-d to 
keep our friends too long from their relations. But I hope the time passes away agreeably with them: for when I 
left them, they had nolhmg to do but to drink rum and be merry. If there is any just cause of complaint, I now 
beg it may be known, that I may use my best endeavors to find a remedy. All we have to request is, that you go 
and receive your presents, and attend at running the line, according to your agreenvent at the treaty. 

C. No. 4, 
Proceedings cf the meeting of the Lower Creeks. — dpril 10, 1789. 

Present: the principal chiefs of the lower towns; also, the Tallassee, or Half-way-house king; and from the 
further Creeks, Alex'rMcGdlivray. Of the white people, besides the supenntendent of Indian affairs, the two 
State commissioners, Messrs. Barnard and Gaiphin. 

Mr. McGillivray opened the business, by telling the Indians " they knew for what purposes this meeting was 
called : he regretted it had not been earlier, that their sentiments respecting the white people's settling their 



ir89.] THE CREEKS AND OTHERS. 23 

lands, might have been certainly known; that the Virginians (J. e. Georgians) had falsely persuaded the rest of the 
white people they had purchased those lands from them: there was now a gentleman come out to inquire into 
this business; that he came from a different quarter, and would be a good witness to the truth. He (McGillivray) 
had no doubt they would treat him with the highest respect, and with every attention to what he might have to say 
to them.*' He then requested the superintendent to put any questions, or make any proposals he thought proper. 
During the talk of the superintendent, the Indians observed a singular decorum and attention, till he came to request 
them to go down and run the line; at which they interrupted, by asking if the white people wanted to make any 
more of them prisoners (i. e. hostages.) 

In answer to the talk, the Tall^sge-king spoke first. He said, that "he was glad the superintendent had come 
out, that he might make known Tiiscomplaints, of which he had many. He had always been a friend to the white 
people; that, after the war, he was invited to Augusta, where he expected to be treated like a friend; instead of 
which, the white people, their long knives in their hands, insisted on his making a cession of land, which he had 
no right to do; but that, after three days' importunity, he was obliged to consent, on condition the nation would 
agree to it." 

The Hallowing king of the Cowetas seemed principally to undertake to speak for the Indians in general. He 
expressed their thankfulness to the superintendent for coming so great a journey, with the good intention of settling 
the quarrel between them and the Georgians. .If the matter rested between them and Congress, no doubt it could 
be amicably concluded; but there was a third party, who had no mind to do justice. He gave an historical account 
of the progress of the white people, from even before their establishment to the southward of the Savannah, as he 
had seen himself, or been informed by older men. But, says he, " these last strides tell us they never mean to let 
their foot rest; our lands are our life and breath; if we part w itli them, wc part with our blood. We must fight for 
them." 

The superintendent then endeavored to show the difficulty, nay, theimpossibility of evacuating the lands on which 
people hau settled, after buying them, in the opinion that they were granted by the Indians, in atonement for the 
many unprovoked injuries the State had sustained. He adduced many reasons to make it probable the Tallassee 
king had made the grants unconstrained. He promised them every security should be given them against all 
future encroachments; and he ofl'ered to take off several conditions of the late treaty, that migfit seem to bear too 
hard. But they insisted, the great grievance was taking their land; and that thev could not dispense with. When 
they were desired to declare if nothing would do but relinquishing the lands on the Oconee, they answered, that, or 
war. 

The superintendent took his leave, assuring them of his good wishes to the nation: and that he would always 
use his endeavors in obtaining for them whatever might be fair and reasonable; but that lie was sorry to tliink their 
demands in the present ca.se were neither. 

Mr. McGillivray's proposal was made next day. 

D. No. 1. 

Augusta, Geo. I5th November, 1787. 
Sir: 

I do myself the honor to enclose to your Excellency a report of a committee of the General Assembly of this 
State, respecting the Creek Indians. It so fully informs your Excellency of the unavoidable necessity there is for 
a war with that nation, that little is left for me to say on the subject. In my letter to our delegates, of the 9th of 
August, I inform them of the murders committed by the Indians, and by their answer, it appears the letter was laid 
before Congress, since which time our frontiers have been tlie scene of blood and ravages; they have killed thirty-one 
of our citizens, wounded twenty, and taken four prisoners; they have burnt the court house and town of^ Greensburgh, 
in the county of Greene, and a number of other nouses in different parts of the country. The Assembly, fully con- 
vinced that the State never can have a secure and lasting peace with that perR(lious nation, untd they have 
severely felt the effects of war, have ordered three tliousand men to be raised, and given the Executive power to 
call forth fifteen hundred more, should the first not be adequate. The arming and equipping these troops will be 
attended with such expense, that the aid of the Union will be required, in adilition to our exertions, and I flatter 
myself the United States will grant such assistance as will enable us to niosecute the war with vigor, and establish 
us in the blessings of peace. I would also take the liberty of remarlving, that I have reason to think the Creek 



Indians are .supplied with arms and ammunition from the Spanish government of West Florida, and whether it 
may not be proper for Congress oflicialiy to remonstrate against such supplies being granted them, whilst engaged ia 

I have the honor to be, with respect, &c. 



a war with us. 



gaged 
GEORGE MATHEWS. 



* D. No. 2. ■'. 

HocsE OF A.SSE.MBLV, Tlksdav, the S.3d October, 1787. 

Tlie House proceeded to take into consideration the report of the committee, to whom was referred the mes- 
sage of his Honor the Governor, of tJic 18th instant, together with such parts of the despatches accompanying the 
same, as relates to the Creek Indians: and the same being read and amended, was agreed to by the House, and is 
as follows: 

"The committee, consisting of General Clarke, Mr. Telfair, Mr. Joseph Haberstiam, Mr. Seagrove, and Mr. 
Walton, to whom were referred the papers marked No. 1, accompanying the Governor's message of the 18th 
instant, respecting Indian affairs, report: 

•'That, in examining the letters and documents committed to them, they have necessarily been led to a reference 
to the treaties and principal transactions with the Indians, which have taken place since the Revolution and the esta- 
blishment of peace with GreatBritain. And they find that, on the thirty-first day of May, in the year one thousand 
seven hundred and eighty-three, the Cherokees, by a treaty held at Augusta, among others, agreed to and subscribed 
tlie following clause: 

" ' Clause 3d. That a new line shall be drawn, without dalay, between the present settlements in the said State, 
and the hunting ground of the said Indians, to begin on Savannah river, where the present line strikes it; thence, up 
the said river, to a place on the most northern branch of the same, (commonly called Keowee) wliere a northeast 
line, to be drawn from the top of the Ocunna mountain, shall intersect; thence, along the said line, on a southwest 
direction, to the top of the said mountain; thence, in the same direction, to Tuegola river; thence, to the top of the 
Currahee mountain; thence to the head or .source of the most southern branch of the Oconee nvcr. including all the 
waters of the same; and thence, down the middle of the said branch, to the Creek line. And that, on tlie Srst day 
of November following, by a treaty also held at Augusta, among others, the Creeks agreed to and subscribed a simi- 
lar clause, for establishing the same line for their hunting grounds. And both nations made the same relinquish- 
ment, on account of mutual claims which iiad not before been settled between them; and this boundary was a<'ain 
acknowledged and confirmed at another treaty, held with the Creeks at Galphinton, the 12th day of November, 1)ne 
thousand seven hundred and eighty-five, and extended from the confluence of thcOconeeand Oakmulgee rivers, to the 
sourceof St. Mary's. That it is true, that, .some few months after the holding of this latter treaty, some uneasmesses 
began to be fomented in the nation, and some murders were committed. This was considered and declared to bean 



24 INDIAN AFFAIRS. [1789. 

infraction of the treaty, and reparation was demanded. It was made a serious object of Government, and the Leigis- 
lature being convened, our domestic situation and our relative one with the Union, were considered with all possible 
attention and respect. Commissioners were appointed, with fall powers to inquire into the causes, and to restore 
peace; but with power also, if unavoidable, to take eventual measures of defence. This proceeding produced ano- 
ther treaty, which was held at Shoulderbone, on the third of November, one thousand seven hundred and eighty -six, 
whereby the violation was acknowledged, the boundaries contained in the former treaties again recognized, and 
ratified, and seven hostages were pledged for the faithful execution of the condition. Your committee cannot 
forbear, here, to observe, that, during the course of all these transactions, the communications were made in solemn, 
open, and ancient form, and the articles of the treaties were mutually respected, until the aggression posterior to 
that of Galphinton. And that, whilst it is admitted on the one hand, there was no principle of representation of the 
parts of the nation known in civilized government, it cannot be denied on the other, that it was such, as had been 
common; and the Indians acknowledged, without doubt, and regret their forming a part, and being members of the 
State. Peace being thus restored by the treaty of Shoulderbone, but before the articles were yet carried into full 
effect, the State received the appointment of a superintendent of Indian Affairs, by the Congress of the United States 
for the southern department, and on the 15th January, in the present year, the same was acknowledged by the fol- 
lowing resolutions of the Legislature: 

" ' That this House have a due sense of the attention of Congress to the affairs between this State and the Indians 
within its territory. 

"• '• ResolveiL That his Honor the Governor be requested to communicate to the said superintendent, that the 
Government of this State, on the former part of the last year, received certain advice, that it was the intention of 
the Creek Indians to make war against the white inhabitants of the same; and that a short time after they did actu- 
ally commit hostilities. 

" ' That, in consequence thereof, and agreeably to the articles ot confederation and perpetual union, which this 
State holds as the rule of its good faith, and as the evidence of its portion of sovereignty of the Union, measures 
were taken, which had for their object, the present security of the State, and the restoring of peace and tranquillity. 
by the most expeditious and certain means; and that, under Providence, the measures have been attended with the 
desired success. 

" ' That, immediately after the measures before mentioned were determined on, the delegates of this State were 
directed to make full representation of the same to Congress, %vith the motives which compelled the State to the 
same, without tlie delay which would unavoidably have arisen from the remote distance of the State from the resi- 
dence of Congress, which no doubt has been done accordingly.' 

" And afterwards, a committee was appointed to confer with the said superintendent on the subject of his mission, 
and on the 6th of February they reported, and of which the following are extracts: 

" ' Your committee report, that they have conferred with the honorable the superintendent of the United States^ 
and have laid before him the papers and instructions committed to their care, to which he has been pleased to return 
the following answer: 

" 'Gentlemen of the committee for Indian Affairs, accept my thanks for your polite communication of the different 
materials in your possession, to assist in acquiring an idea of ihe situation of Indian affairs in this district The not 
having been engaged in this line till very lately, will hardly permit me to remark on the subject as you request. I will 
only express my satisfaction, in observing the moderation, as well as spirit, witli which this State pursued her plan 
of checking the savage violence on the late occasion. The report I have to make to the United States in Congress, 
taking its complexion from these circumstances, will probably induce them to a more cheerful participation of the 
expense. 

" ' The spirit and prudence of the State will, no doubt, farther dictate means of future tranquillity, as well as 
those of invigorating trie iiands of the superintendent of Indian Affairs, so far as is conducive to the execution of 
his office, within the limits this State. 

" 'I wish to do myself the honor of assuring the honorable the Legislature, that, as they may think it advisable 
for me, in my official capacity, to be present at making the temporary line, I will cheerfully attend to that, or any 
other measure they will favor me with, pointing out in the line of my duty; and that, in every official transaction, 1 
shall observe a most sacred respect to the rights of the State of Georgia. 

*" I am, with great respect, your humble servant, J AS. WHITE.' 

" The same committee having reported the expediency of new regulations for Indian Affairs, a bill Mas brought 
in for that purpose, and being carried into effect, a board of commissioners were appointed, of which the said super- 
intendant was one. The commissioners, having convened, entered upon the duties of their office; and it was 
expected that the Indians would be down some time in the spring on tne fulfilment of the Shoulderbone treaty. 
That, in the mean time, the appointment of commissaries, with some other arrangements, were made, and the super- 
intendent determined to visit tne nation. When there, ne wrote to the Governor, from the Buzzard -roost, on the 
12th of March, stating the appearances of mischief with some of the Indians, the probable good effects of his medi- 
ation, and of the giving up the hostages, which he recommended. It was also said", ' there is no doubt but the 
Upper Creeks may be reconciled to the boundary as wished;' and by a letter from Mr. John Galphin, one of the 
commissaries, written at the same time, and on the same sheet, he says ' I saw Mr. McGillivray lately, who says he 
only V. aits for Doctor White, and, if he comes, he will have the line run between the Indians and the Georgians by 
the first of May;' and he also advised that the hostages should be given up. Upon the foundation of these letters, the 
surrender of the hostages was agreed to, and two of the principal ones went on with the answers, and the others 
were to accompany the commissioners. 

" But that, on the 1 3th of April foil owing, another letter, from the superintendent to the Governor, dated from the 
Cussetahs, advises to prepare for war, in any event; adding, that his personal safety was assured to be in danger, 
should he threaten the nation with the force of the Union; and upon his return to Augusta, on the 23d of April, in 
a farther address to the Governor, he ascribes the suspension ot hostilities between the Indians and the State, to 
propositions communicated to him by Mr. McGillivray, for a new State to be laid off, south of the Altamaha, and 
mentions that he had acceded to a truce until the first of August. And here ends the knowledge of your commit- 
tee, of transactions with, or by, the superintendent. It was but a little while, however, before several murders were 
committed on our frontier, and which have been repeated, from time to time, until mutual hostilities have at length 
taken place on the whole length of our borders and a war, by the savages, is now raging with all its horrors. 

" And here, too, the task of your committee becomes distressingly difficult. As lovers of their country, and as ser- 
vants of the State, it is equally their desire, and their duty, to be true and to be just; and, while they wish to treat 
the servants of the Union with the strictest respect, they ought to guard our Government at home against the impro- 
per imputation of wrong. They therefore report it as their opinion, that the ultimate causes of the war were the too 
/ sudden interferences with treaties of the State, by which the minds of the Indians were perplexed, and the impres- 
• sion induced, that, in a war with the State, they should not have the strength of the Union to fear; and that another 
disposition would be made of the Territory, than that which considers it as part of the State. That representations 
to this effect should be immediately transmitted to Congress, and the support of the Union demanded. 

*' That, in the meantime, the most vigorous and decisive measures be taken, by the Government of this State, for 
suppressing the bloody violences of tlie Indians. For which purpose, your committee advise, that a law be passed, 
as speedily as possible, for raising and forming magazines of arms, ammunition, stores, and provision in kind, and 
for enlisting of men for the protection of the State." 

Extracts from the minutes. 

JAS. M. SIMMONS, Clk. G. Ji. 



\rm.] THE CREEKS AND OTHERS. 25 

E. No. 1. 

The Secretar)- of the United States for the Department of War, in obedience to the order of Congress of the loth 
instant to report a plan for the protection ot the frontier of Georgia, agreeably to the principle of the resolve of 
Congress of the 2l8t of July, 1787, reports: 

That he conceives it is intended the protection to be afforded the State of Georgia, should be complete, in case 
the Creek Indians should persist in refusing to enter into a treaty on reasonable terms, and to comprehend all 
operations offensive, as well as defensive, that may be deemed necessaiy for the full accomplishment of the object. 

That unless rigorous exertions be made in the first instance, calculated to terminate enectually the contest, in 
one campaign, the United .States will hazard the event of being drawn into a tedious, expensive, and inglorious war. 
That the strength of the Wabash Indians, who were principally the object of the resolve of the 21st of July, 
1787, and the strength of the Creek Indians is very different. That the said Creeks are not only greatly superior 
in numbers, but are more united, better regulated, and headed by a man whose talents appear to have fixed 
him in tlieir confidence. 

That your Secretary humbly apprehends the regular troops of the Union on the Ohio were considered as the 
basis of the before recited resolve, ot the 21st July, 1787. That the militia intended to have been drawn forth were 
to have acted as auxilliaries to the said regular troops, and that all the airangements were to have been made under 
the direction of the commanding officer of the said troops. That the case is widely different on the frontiers of 
Georgia, no troops of the United States being there, noi is it easily practicable to remove any consideiable body 
from the Ohio, were the measure expedient in other respects. 

That this difference of circumstances will require a different and more extensive arrangement for the protection 
of the frontier of Georgia than any that were contemplated by the aforesaid resolve of the 21st of July, 1787. 

That the frontier of Georgia may be protected either by a large body of inilitia, detached from time to time, or 
by a corps of troops regularly organized and enlisted for a certain period. That a consideration of the expense and 
irregularity of detachments of mere militia, compared with the economy and vi^r of a corps of troops properly 
organized, would evince the great superiority and advantage to be deiived to tlie public by an adoption of the 
organized troops. 

That, from the view of the object your Secretary has been able to take, he conceives that the only effectual mode of 
acting against the said Creeks, in case they should pereist in their hostilities, would be by makmg an invasion of 
their country with a powerful body of well regulated troops, always ready to combat and able to defeat any combina- 
tion offeree the said Creeks could oppose, and to destroy their towns and provisions. 

Your Secretary humbly conceives, that any interference on the part of the United States with less force and 
ener°;y, would cherish the hostilities of the Creeks instead of extinguishing them. 

That he conceives the operation herein stated would require an army of two thousand eight hundred non-com- 
missioned officers and privates of the different species of troops, to be raised for the term of nine months. 

That the said troops should be commanded by one major general, and one brigadier general, to be appointed 
by Congress, who should also appoint an inspector and quarter master to said troops. 
That the pay and emoluments of said officers be fixed by Congress. 
That the organization of the troops should be as follows: 

Three regiments of infantr}, of seven hundred eachjoneregimentof cavalry, of five hundred and sixty; one corps 
of artillery of one hundred and forty. 

That if Congress should approve of these numbers, they might be apportioned as follows: 

Georgia. — One regiment of infantrj', -- - 700 

Five companies of cavalr}', of 70 each, - - - - ....... - 350 

1050 

South Carolina. — One regiment of infantry, - - - - ..-■.. . . , .■ 700 
Two companies of artillery, of 70 each, 140 

840 

North Carolina. — One regiment of infantry, 700 

Three companies of cavalry, 210 

910 

2800 



That all the regimental officers be appointed by the said States, respectively, according to the proportions to 
be specified by the Secretary of War. 

That the said troops should be mustered, and inspected, in the manner to be directed by the Secretary of War, 
which musters should be considered as essential vouchers in the settlement of the accounts of the troops. 

That the said troops should be paid by the States in which they are respectively raised, according to the rates of 
pay established for the troops of the United States. 

That suitable clothing, to tiie value of ten dollars, be allowed each non-commissioned officer antl private, who 
should enlist for the said term of nine months, which, with tents, the necessary camp equipagCj and wagons or other 
means of transportation, agreeably to the proportitms to be specified by the Secretary of War, snould be furnished to 
the troops, by the States in which they shall be raised. 

That the States of North and Soutli Carolina should also subsist their quotas respectively until their arrival at 
the place of rendezvous to be appointed by the commanding officer. 

That the rations and forage of said army should be provided by contract by the State of Georgia, while acting^ 
within the said State, and also for the quotas of South and North Carolina until they should return to the places ol 
dismission within the said States respectively. 

That the issues of tlie rations of provision and forage, should be checked in the manner to be directed by the 
Secretary of War, and for every ration of provision allowed accordingly the United States should be charged a sum 
not exceeding parts of a dollar, and for every ration of forage not exceeding parts of a dollar. 

That the amount of pay, transportation, and subsistence of said troops, should be settled in the nuanner an<l forms 
to be previously established by the Board of Treasuiy,an(l the same, when completed, should be passed to the credit 
of said States, on the existing requisitions, according to the amount they may have respectively furnished. 

That as it is highly probable that the said States may be deficient in arms, accoutrements, and ammunition, the 
same be furnished out of the arsenals of the United States, and be transported by the Secretary of War, by water, to 
such ports within the saidStates as may be most convenient, and addressed to the executives of the same. 

That ten pieces of light field artillery, with their necessary apparatus, and a suitable quantity of ammunition be 
also transported by the Secretary of War to Savannah in Georgia, for the purposes of the said expedition, addressed 
to the major general who may be appointed for tiie expedition. 

That the expenses of every species, which would be incurred for the various objects of the said army, for nine 
months, may be estimated at four hundred and fifty thousand dollars. 
Ail which is humbly submitted to Congress. 

H. KNOX. 

War Office, 96th July, 1788. 



26 INDIAN AFFAIRS. [1789. 



In Congress, Oc/oZ>er 26//t, 178". ■ 

Instructions to the Commissioners for negotiating a treaty tvith the tribes of Indians in the Southern Department, 
for the purpose of establishing peace between the United States and the said tribes. 

Gentlemen: 

Several circumstances rendering it probable that hostilities may have commenced, or are on the eve 
of commencing, between the State of North Carolina and the Cherokee nation of Indians, and between the State 
of Georgia and the Creek nation of Indians, you are to use every endeavor to restore peace and harmony between 
the said States and the said nations, on terms of justice and humanity. 

The great source of contention between the said States and the Indian tribes, being boundaries, you will carefully 
inquire into, and ascertain, the boundaries claimed by the respective States; and although Congress are of opinion that 
they might constitutionally fix the bounds between any State and an independent tribe of Indians, yet, unwilling to 
have a ditference subsist between the General Government and that of the individual States, they wish you so to 
conduct the matter that the States may not conceive their legislative rights in any manner infringed, taking care, at 
the same time, that whatever bounds are agreed upon they may be described in such terms as shall not be liable to 
misconstruction and misrepresentation, but may be made clear to the conceptions of the Indians, as well as whites. 

The present treaty having for its principal object the restoration of peace, no cession of land is to be demanded 
of the Indian tribes. 

You will use the utmost care to ascertain who are the leading men among the several tribes — the real head-men 
and warriors; these you will spare no pains to attach to the interest of the United States, by removing, as far as may 
be, all causes of future contention or quarrels; by kind treatment, and assurances of protection; by presents of a 
permanent nature; and by using every endeavor to conciliate the aftections of the white people inhabiting the fron- 
tiers towards them. 

You will encourage the Indians to give notice to the superintendent of Indian affairs of any designs that may be 
formed by any neighboring Indian tribe, or by any person whatever against the peace of the United States. 

You will insist that all prisoners, of whatever age, sex, or complexion, be delivered up, and that all fugitive 
slaves belonging to citizens of tlie United States be restored. 

F. No. 1. 

. WmssBOROvGH, 25th June, 1788. 
Sir: . 

I beg leave to lay before you the steps taken by the commissioners to bring about a treaty with the Creek 
Indians, agreeably to the resolves of Congress. 

A talk was sent to that nation the 29th of March last, addressed to Mr. McGillivray, and the head men and 
warriors, urging the necessity there was to treat, and in the most pointed terms insisting, as a first principle, that 
every hostile procedure should instantly cease. A Mr. Whitfield was the bearer; he is a respectable character, and 
has formerly traded with them; he writes us that the Indians are highly pleased with what Congress has done, and 
^ willing to treat on the principles of justice and equity; on that ground they will meet the superintendent and com- 
missioners; in the interim, all hostilities to cease. This, I have the pleasure to inform you, is the case at present, and 
the sooner it can be effected the better, as it is the wish of the Indians that the treaty be held as speedily as possible. 
The above accounts I laid before the Executive of the State of Georgia, who agreed with me in opinion, that the 
15th September next is as early as this matter can be begun on. The reason is obvious; the State of North Caro- 
lina not complying with the resolves of Congress, in forwarding the needful, nor is it to be expected that they intend 
it, (see a copy of the Governor's letter enclosed) and even supposing they had, upon a general calculation the sum 
allowed by Congress would have been too small to carry into effect a treaty with the Creeks alone, considering the 
greatness of their nation; presents, I make no doubt, arc expected by them. The goods on hand from the last treaty 
amount to not more than ^6400, and many of them consist of perishable aiticles, which of course have suffered. 

The two commissioners. Generals Pickens and Matthews, with myself, made an estimate a few davs ago at 
Augusta, a copy of which you have herewith. As these gentlemen, as well as myself, calculated on the lowest 
scale, I make no doubt you will think with me, that a further supply is necessary; there is every reason to believe 
there \yill be present from one thousand to fifteen hundred Indians, and each Indian, General Pickens (who has been 
on similar occasions of this kind before) assures me, at such a time, which cannot well be denied them, expects 
double rations. Upon the whole, I trust, on a matter of such consequence to the States, Georgia in particular, that 
Congress will give it a reconsideration, and make such provision as they conceive best on this business. The treaty, 
as I before mentioned, will take place on the 15th September next, therefore no time ought to be lost. 

I beg leave further to observe, tiiat my commission as superindendent expires the 29th of August; it will be 
necessary to prolong the time, if it is the wish of Congress to continue to be represented in the southern department 
I shall conclude, with assuring you, that (he States of South Carolina and Georgia will contribute every thing in 
their power towards facilitating the treaty under the auspices of Congress; before whom I beg you will lay the pur- 
port of this without delay. They may depend on my utmost exertions in forwarding a plan so highly necessary. 

I have the honor to be, sir, your most obedient servant, 

RICHARD WINN. 
General Knox, Secretary of f Far. 

V. No. «. 

Edenton, 19/A March, 1788. 
Sir: 

The resolution of Congress of 26th October, to which you refer in the letter you did me the honor of address- 
ing to me on the 18th day of February last, did not come to me till after the adjournment of the Assembly; and as I 
considered that the settling the boundaiy between this State and the Indians a subject of too much importance for 
me to act in, without the direction of the Legislature, I laid aside t!ie consideration of it till since I had thethonor of 
receiving your Excellency's letter. 

I yesterday laid all the papers relatingto this business before the Council of State, for their consideration, who 
concurred with mc in opinion that the powers of the Executive department of this State did not extend so far as to 
comprehend all the objects contained in the instructions sent fonvard by Congress, for the government of the com- 
missioner to be appointed by this State, and though the resolution of Congress, passed as early as the 26th of October. 
no hostilities have hitherto been committed on the inhabitants of this State by the Cherokees, nor have loe any inti- 
mation from the inhabitants of the frontier that any such hostilities are at present apprehended. I have not, there- 
fore, appointed a commissioner to treat with the Cherokees. Should the States of South Carolina and Georgia be of 
opinion that the co-operation of this State can, in any manner, facilitate the negotiation with the Creeks, we will be 
ready to adopt any measure that may have a tendency to promote the peace and security of the State of Georgia, at 
any time when they may think proper to favor us with an intimation in what manner we can be useful to them. 
I have the nonorto be, with the highest consideration and respect, sir, &c. 

SAML. JOHNSTON. 

Hia Excellency the Governor of South Carolina. 



1789.] 



THE CREEKS AND OTHERS. 



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23 INDIAN AFFAIRS. [1789. 



F. No. 4. 

WiNNSBOROUGH, August 5, 1788. 

Sir: 

By talks received from the head men and warriors of the Cherokee nation, dated the 30th June last, I am 

given to understand, that a party from North Carolina (called Franklin State) with Servier at their head, came over 

and destroyed several of their towns, killed near thirty of the Indians, made one prisoner, and obliged the remainder 

to fly with their families to some of the Lower towns for protection. Notwithstanding these outrages, there are, at 

/ this present time, near thirty of their towns in friendship with the white people, whose wish is to remain so, as their 

/ talks run continually, for a lasting peace to be establislied between them and the whites. The Overhills, the other 

part of the nation, where the above affair happened, seem determined for war, of which I shall make the Governor 

of North Carolina acquainted. The daily encroachments made on the territories of this set of people, is such as to 

induce them, through me, to lay their distressed situation before Congress, which this opportunity gives me the 

honor of now doing, presuming they will see with me, the real necessity there is for an accommodation taking place 

'- with this nation, and order the necessary supplies accordingly, for carrying the treaty into eifect. I must beg leave 

to add, that, could I have been supplied with the needful, I should have called this nation to a permanent treaty long 

ere this. 

I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant, 

RICHARD WINN. 

Sir: This moment General Pickens' letter came to hand, which I have taken the liberty to enclose to you. 

R. WINN. 
General Knox, -Secre/ari/o/ /far. 

' ■, F. No. 6. 

WixNSBORouGH, August 8, 1788. 

The gentleman who was sent to the Creek nations, with talks from the commissioners, has returned with 
answers which appear to be friendly. The Indians are willing to come to a treaty next month, therefore, the 15th 
day is set for that purposej the meeting will he held on the Tugelo river, at the house of a Mr. Lachland Cleave- 
iand, on the Georgia side, m consequence of which, hostilities have ceased on both sides. 

I make no doubt the wish of Congress will be fully answered, provided the Assembly of Georgia repeal a law, 
which, in some measure, militates against the resolves of Congress, in carrying into effect the treaty with tliat 
nation. The Assembly are now sitting on the business, which, 1 hope, will have the desired effect. 

I have tlie honor to be, sir, your humble servant, 

RICHARD WINN. 
General Knox, i'ccre/ari/ o/W^ar. 



F. No. 7. 
Sir: 



WjNNSBOROuGH, Octobcr 14, 1788. 



I have had the honor of receiving your several letters, with the duplicates of each, enclosing the different 
resolves of Congress, of July I5th, August 4th, and 14th, respecting Indian affairs, and shall at all times be happy, 
through you, to lay before that honorable body such information as offers in that department. 

From several conferences with the commissioners, relative to the Creek Indians, and opening a correspondence 
with McGillivray, who is their head man, we were led to believe, that our negotiations would terminate in a peace 
between that nation and the State of Georgia; and agreeably to what I before informed you, had actually appointed 
the time and place for holding a treaty, not doubting, when we met, to get over every obstacle in bringing it to an 
j^sue. However, not having the supplies necessary in time, and receiving a letter (see No. 1, enclosed) from the 
(jovernor of Georgia, we wrote to McGillivray, and the head men and warriors, to postpone the treaty until the 
spring of next year; to this we have had no answer as yet, but have received a letter from him (see No. 2, enclosed) 
wherein he insists, as a leading principle, upon having the boundaries the same as they were when the State of Georgia 
was a British province; these tenns of treaty he mentions in his first letter to the commissioners, but neither they 
nor myself imagined this would operate in his breast, or with the Indians, as a barrier to the treatv, when we produced 
the different articles of peace entered into since, with the bounds prescribed, and mutually agreed to by both 
parties. (See a copy of our letter, to which No. 2 is an answer.) It evidently appears by his last, if we are to 
expect peace with these Indians, it must be on his own terms. From these considerations, we may think it our 
duty to reply in a different manner to what we have; as soon as we have an answer to our last, respecting the post- 
poning the treaty. I shall do myselt tlie lionor of transmitting you a copy of it. 

Before I quit the subject of the Creek Indians, it will be necessary to inform you (in order to make the Governor 
of Georgia's meaning appear more clear) that the Georgians have, at this time, a law existing, wherein they have 
given as bounty land to their soldiers, a large tract of country which belongs to the Indians. 

This I remonstrated to the Executive of that State; an<i tnis was another motive for the treaty's being postponed, 
as such a law should be repealed before an accommodation could take place. 

With due respect, I have the honor to be, sir, your most obedient servant, 

RICHARD WINN. 

The Honorable Genefdl Knox, Secretary of War. 

F. No 8. 

Augusta, (Georgia) August 14, 1788. 
Gentlemen: 

The disagreeable and unhappy situation of our State afTairs is such, that I am sorry, on this occasion, 
to be under the necessity to declaim against theu* inability ot carrying into effect tlie business fully, of the proposed 
treaty with the Creek nation of Indians. 

In order to obviate the many difficulties and insufficiency that appeared in the operation of the said treaty, I did, 
with the advice of the Executive, call the Legislature to convene in Augusta, the 22d ultimo, but without effect; 
and the Executive have it not in their power to make any appropriations. I have, and will continue to exert myself, 
in endeavoring to obtain a credit from the mercantile line, either on public or private faith, and, if successful, will 
give you early notice thereof. But in this I doubt. 

I would, therefore, (if Congress does not appropriate a further sura for carrying on the said treaty, as the super- 
intendent, I presume, represented the whole to that honorable body) most seriously recommend, that you endeavor 
all in your power to have the said treaty postponed if possible. I promise you the sight of the business shall not 
be put off, but every preparation in our power shall be exerted. You have to urge, on your parts, the reason for 
postponing the treaty to be, that of the change of Government, and of other matters; that I dare say would be 



/ 



1789.] THE CREEKS AND OTHERS. 29 

t 

sufficient, particularly to Mr. McGillivray, who is a sensible, intelligent man. If possible that the same could be 
postponed until the spring of the next year, it would be well; but at any rate, for two or three months. This 
matter would be best managed by the person you appoint to go to tlie nation, who ought to be a sensible man. I 
shall engage tliat peace be observed by the citizens of this State, against the Creek nation, as far as is in my power 
to enforce; you will please, also, to urge the observance of the same on their parts, against the citizens ot this State. ' 

I flatter myself, gentlemen, taking a review of our situation, that you will do all in your power to obtain peace 
with the Indians within your district, and the citizens of the United States. 

I have the honor to be, with every sentiment of respect, your most obedient humble servant, 

GEO. HANDLEY. 
Hon. Richard Winn, Esq. Superintendent, and 
The Hon. Geo. Mathews and Andrew Pickens, Esqrs. 

Commissioners of Indian Affairs. 

. . c F. No. 9. 

• Fort Charlotte, Jidy 16, 1788. 
To Alexander McGillivray, Esquire,'and others, the Chief Men and Warriors of the Creek nation. 

This day your letter was opened, which^ou were pleased to address to us, as also the talks of the Hallowing 
King, of the Lower, and Mad Dog, of thebpper Creeks, in answer to the one sent you by Mr. Whitfield. 

We are happy to find that you are willing to meet us in treaty, so as to convince the world that your conduct, 
and the leading men of the Indians, is such as to dispose you to do that which is right and just. On such grounds, 
we are equally willing to meet. 

You mention you expect a requisition will be made by us to the people of Georgia, to retire from the Oconee 
river, within the bounds claimed under the British Government. This we are not authorized to do, but will write 
to the Governor of Georgia, requesting him to issue his proclamation that no further trespasses be committed, and 
that all hostilities do cease. We make no doubt you will lose sight of all matter of little weight, and bring fully 
into view the grand object of the treaty, agreeably to the resolves of Congress, so as to restore peace and harmony 
once more between the citizens of Georgia and the Creek Indians, on the principles of justice and humanity; as we 
do firmly assure you 'tis what we ardently wish. 

As to the time and place for holding the treaty, this power was fully vested in the superintendent and the Execu- 
tive of Georgia, and they had, previous to any aflvice received from Mr. Whitfield, (except his letter of May 15th) 
appointed the 15th September next, the day on which the treaty is to begin, on the river Tugoolo, the dividing line 
between South Carolina and Georgia, at the house of Lachland Cleaveland, on the Georgia side, at which tiine and 
place we hope to meet you and the Creek chiefs as brothers. We wisli to see every thing conducted in the greatest 
friendship. 

We conclude, thanking you for your polite attention to Mr. Whitfield, and shall be disposed to make you a like 
return in future. 

We have the honor to be, your obedient servants, 

RICHARD WINN, Superintendent. 

ANDREW PICKENS, Commissioner for South Carolina. 

GEORGE MATHEWS, Commissioner for Georgia. 



Gentlemen : 



F. No. 10. 

Little Tallassee, 12//t Augtisl, 1788. 



I have received your letter of the I6th July, this day. It is with equal surprise and concern, that I learn 
from you that the honorable the Coiigresshas not authorized you, its c(mimissioners, to give us a full redress of our 
complaints, and to give us full satifaction in what concerns our territory, which the Georgians are attempting to wrest 
from us forcibly; all which we were taught to expect from the justice and humanity ot that honorable body, from 
the measure adopted by them in sending Doctor White among us, to be fully and truly informed of the cause 
of the war between us and Georgia. We had great expectations that we should soon experience the good effects of 
it, in having the causes of our discontents removed; and more particularly, (m Mr. Whitfield's coming here, we 
did so firmly believe that we were on the point of obtaining a satisfactory peace, that we were eager to meet you 
and conclude one; but your letter discovers to me that nothing has been done, and all is yet to do. 

It was expected that the requisition which I made to you for removing the Georgians from the disputed lands, was 
to be considered by you as it was meant by us, as an indispensable preliminary to form the basis on which the treaty 
of peace was to be concluded. 

I feel much pleasure in your approving of the leading sentiments as expressed in my letter by Mr. Whitfield, 
and it is with regret that I remark, that our enemy does not manifest an equal disposition with us, to terminate the 
war, by agreeing to equitable terms of peace; and, as we ask no concession from them as the price of peace, so they 
ought not to demand any on our side. 

When I next meet the chiefs, which \vill be early in September, I will explain to them the contents of your 
letter. 

Meantime I answer you, as well knowing that they will not consent to treat, unless they see their requisition 
enforced. 

I have the honor to be, with most respectful consideration, your most obedient servant, 

ALEX'R McGILLIVRAY. 
To the Hon. Generals Richard W inn, Andkkw Pickens, and George Mathews, 

Commissioners appointed by the honorable the Congress, to treat ivith the Southern Nations of Indians. 

F. No. 11. 

Winnsbohough, 8th December, 1788. 
Sir: 

I do myself the honor to enclose you a copy of McGillivray's last letter to the commissioners and myself, 
together with our answer, by which you will discover, if the Indians evade coming to a treaty, they mean war, and 
will, in my opinion, come down in great force against the State of Georgia. 

On the receipt of his letter, which never came to hand till the 13th of last month, though dated so early as the 
15th ol September, I immediately directed a meeting of the commissioners at Hopewell, when it was agreed on, that 
the treaty could not take place sooner than next May, or June, as it was thought necessary the Indians should have 
time to consult, and finally determine on the last talk sent them, which is the answer alluded to, wherein we 
expressly request their reply to be pointed and decisive, and that it be despatched to us as soon as possible. Should 
they do this, it will give Congress and the Georgians timely notice to prepare for the worst, or otherwise, as it may 
happen. 

Not long since, a fort, between French Broad and Holston rivers, was taken by the Cherokees and Creeks. Ten 
persons were killed, and about thirty were made prisoners. The war is still carried on between North Carolina 
and the Cherokees. By a talk I lately held with one of die chiefs of that nation, he says, " notwithstanding what 
has happened between them, their principal men wish for peace; that they are now holding a great talk among their 
head men and warriors, the result of which was not determined, but he thinks tliey would gladly bury the hatchet." 



30 INDIAN AFFAIRS. [1789. 

I have every reason to believe that McGillivray is trying to unite the two nations, the Creeks and Cherokees. 
The South Carolina and Georgia commissioners tliink, Avith me, that, if the State of North Carolina would send 
forward their commissioner with the supplies, a treaty might be effected with the Cherokees, before a junction with 
the Creeks could take place. 

Sir, with regard, I have the honor to be, your most obedient servant, 

RICHARD WINN. 
The Honorable Major General Knox, Secretary of War. 

F. No. 12. 

Little Tallassee, I5th September, 1788. 
Gentlemen: 

I have received your letter of 28tli of August, wherein you desire that the proposed treaty between us may 
be deferred until the spring of the next year; the reasons you give us for that measure are good, and to which we do 
agrecj hoping that anew Congress, acting on the principles of the new constitution of America, will set eveiy thing 
to rights between us on the most equitable footing, so that we may become real friends to each other, settling on the 
same land, and having but one interest. 

We expected that, upon Mr. Whitfield's return, a truce of amis would have been directly proclaimed in Georgia, 
and can't account for the delay of that measure; and in fact, there lias been no observance of it on their part, from 
June till now. They have been driving and plundering our hunting camps of horses and skins, &c. and it is only 
lately, that a Coweta Indian brought me a paper, which he found fastened!^ to a tree near to Flint river, which, upon 
a close examination, I find to be a tlireatening letter directed to me. It is wrote on the back of an advertisement, with 
gunpowder; a part of it rubbed out as it dryed, and with the carriage. Tiie writing says something of the war, and 
your savage subjects, and an establishment of peace you must "not expect, until all our damages are made good at 
the treaty, and satisfaction we will have for our grievances," from all which, I foresee great difhculty in the attempt 
to preserve strict suspension of hostility. I can only assure you, that we shall regulate ourselves by the conduct of 
the Georgians, and act according to circumstances. The writing I mention, is signed Jam. Alexander, 5th August, 
1788. The Cherokees are daily coming in to me, complaining of acts of hostility committed in the most barbarous 
' manner by the Americans, and numbers are taking refuge within our territory, who are permitted to settle and build 
villages under our protection. Such acts of violence, committed at the time that the Congress, through you, is 
holding out to the whole nations and tribes, professions of the most friendly nature, makes it appear to all, that such 
professions are only deceitful snares to lull them into a security, whereby the Americans may the more easily destroy 
them. 

Be not offended, gentlemen, at the remark; 'tis time that it is universal through the Indians. 
I am, with great respect, gentlemen, your humble servant, 

ALEX. M'GILLIVRAY. 

The Honorable Generals Richard Winx, Andrew Pickens, and George Mathews, 
Commissioners for treating with the Southern Nations of Indians. 

F. No. 13. 

Hopewell on Keowee, Nov. 28th, 1788. 

Sir: 

Your letter of the 12th August and 1 5th September are now before us. With regard to the former, wherein you 
mention nothing has been done, and all is yet to do, give us leave to tell you, that every thing in our power has 
been done, in order to bring forward a treaty, and, under the authority of Congress, to give you full and ample 
redress in what concerns your territory. At the same time we must observe, that that honorable body will not lose 
sight of doing equal justice to the State of Georgia, whose claim to what you call the disputed lands, is confirmed 
by three different treaties, signed by your head-men and warriors. Therefore, we earnestly recommend you and 
the chiefs seriously to consider, under these circumstances, how impossible it is for us to comply with your requi- 
sition, relative to removing the people from the Oconee lands; this can only be the business of the treaty, after a full 
investigation of the right of claim. 

In answer to your last, where you so pointedly attack that body under whom we have the honor to act, we can- 
not be silent, least it should be tortured into a conviction of guilt. Narrow and illiberal indeed must be that mind, 
that could tor a moment suppose, that Congress, after withstanding one of the gi-eatest Powers of Europe, with her 
allies, together with almost the whole of the Indian tribes combined, should at this day have recourse to base artifice, 
in order to accomplish the ruin of a few Indian tribes, while she is enjoying the blessings of peace at home, and an 
honorable name among the nations of the world. 

We have already enclosed you the Governor of Georgia's proclamation, dated July the 31st, last, for a truce of 
arms, which has been as strictly adhered to as possible; and any thing that has happened in violation of it, had you 
been more explicit, and mentioned the time and place where the Indians' horse ; and skins were plundered, strict 
inquiry might have been made, and the offenders punislied. 

If we take a view of the conduct of the Indians on your part, we have more right to complain: we daily hear of 
the most cruel depredations, committed by the Creeks on the Georgians; the man you allude to, (Alexander) we are 
credibly informed, was in pursuit of a party of Creeks that had stole twelve horses from Green county, and notwith- 
standing we have had every assurance given us, that hostilities should cease. The Governor of Georgia lias lately 
handed us a list of the different counties tliathave recently suttijred, to wit: 

Liberty County, between 25 and 30 negroes, and several large stocks of cattle. 

Effingham, one man killed. 

Wilkes, from 6 to 10 horses plundered. 

Greene, from 21 to 27 horses do. 

Washington, 6 horses do. 

Franklin, from 16 to 20 horses do. One man wounded. 

We must add to the above list, a pair of fine dun geldings, taken from General Martin, about a mile from his 
plantation, by some of the Coweta Indians, wliile he was acting under Congress as agent for the Cherokees and 
Chickasaws. 

The Seminolean Indians are likewise doing a deal of mischief; we know not whether they belong to any part of 
the Creeks, but wish to be informed. From these violations committed, whatcan the Union expect, unless a stiicter 
compliance on your part is observed in putting a stop to hostilities? We are well assured. Congress will not look on 
in silence, and see any part of the Union robbed of its citizens. Enclosed you will find a late resolve of Congress, 
and a proclamation relative to the Cherokees. 

It is our sincere wish that you \vill meet us the eighth day of June next, at the place appointed before; but should 
this appear to you at too distant a period, a month sooner will be no object with us in holding a treaty. In the interim, 
we fully assure you nothing shall be wanting on our parts, in the observance of a strict suspension of arms, on a pre- 
sumption that you will act in like manner. We request that you will consult the head men and warriors, on this 
occasion, and send us a pointed and decisive answer, signed jointly, as soon as possible. 
We are, sir, with due respect, your obedient servants, 

,'- ^ ' ^ . RICHARD WINN, 

ANDREW PICKENS, 
GEORGE MATHEWS. 
To Alexander McGillivray, Esq. 

and the head men and warriors of the Creek nation. 



1789.] THE CREEKS AND OTHERS. 31 



F. No. 14. 

WiNNSBOROUGH, Dtc. 19th, 1788. 

Sir: , . ^ 

Since I had the lionor of writing you last, I have received by express, from the Governor of North Carolina, 
that the Legislature of that State has appointed a John Steele, Esq. commissioner on Indian Affairs, and voted their 
quota, agreeably to the resolves of Congress. They have also requested the Governor to issue his proclamation, that 
hostilities do cease against the Cherokees, and to send a talk to Mr. McGillivray, that it is their wish to be at peace 
with the Creeks. 1 iiese steps being taken on the part of North Carolina, there is not tlie least doubt of a friendly 
treaty taking place with tlie Cherokees, which persuades me will lead to one with the Creeks. The Executive of 
that State think the last of May the best time for holding a treaty. 

I have the honor to be, sir, your most obedient ser\'ant, 

RICHARD WINN. 
Hon. Maj. Gen. Knox. , 

F. No. 15. 

WiNNSBOROUGH, MuTch 1, 1789. 
Sir: 

I think it necessary to inform you, that a treaty will take place with the Cherokee Indians, the third Monday 
in May next, at the upper war-ford on French broad river, in the neighborhood of Swananno, State of North 
Carolina. 

The Creek Indians, 'tis supposeii, will also treat; they are now holding a great talk in their nation, the result of 
which is not yet come to hand. 

I have the honor to subscribe myself, your most obedient servant, 

RICHARD WINN. 
The Honorable Major General Knox. 



A talk, lately sent by the Commissioners of Indian affairs in the Southern Department, to the Creeks^ corres- 
pondent. 

To THE Head-men, Chiefs, and Warriors, of the Creek Nation. 

We last year appointed a time and place for holding a treaty with you, to establish a lasting peace between you 
and us, that we might again become as one people; you all know the reasons why it was not held at that time. 

We now send you a talk, inviting you to a treaty on your bank of the Oconee river, at the rock landing. We wisiied 
to meet you at that place on tiie 8th of June, but, as that day is so near at hand, you might not all get notice. We 
therefore shall expect to meet you on the 20th of June. 

We have changed the place of meeting from that of the last year; so that none of you should have reason to com- 
plain; it is your own ground, and on that land we wish to renew our former trade and friendships, and to remove 
every thing tliat has blinded the path between you and us. 

We are now governed by a President, who is like the old King over the great water; he commands all the war- 
riors of the thirteen great Fires. He will have regard to the welfare of all the Indians; and, when peace shall be 
established, he will be your fatiier and you will be his children, so tiiat none shall dare to do you harm. 

AVe know that lands iiave been the cause of dispute between you and the white people; but we now tell you that 
we want no new grants; our object is to make a peace, and to unite us all under our great chief warrior and Presi- 
dent, who is the lather and protector of all the white people. Attend to what we say: Our traders are very rich, 
and have houses full of such goods as you used to get in former days; it is our wish that you should trade with them, 
and they with you, in strict friendship. 

Our brother, George Galphin, will carry you this talk; listen to him; he will tell you nothing but trutli from us. 
Send us your answer by him. 

ANDREW PICKENS, 
H. OSBORNE, 

Commissioners of the United Slates fin- Indian affairs, in the Soutfiern Departmenl. 
■ April 20, 1789. 

G. No. 1. 

Augusta, August 9, 1787. 
Gentlemen: 

From a wish that you may be informed, and through you the honorable the Congress of the United States, 
of the situation of this State witii the Creek Indians, I do myself the pleasure to enclose you two talks I have received 
from that nation, with my answers thereto, from which it appears there is reason to expect this State will be com- 
pelled to engage in a war with them. It would ill become a free people, and more particularly those of Georgia, to 
give satisfaction for the warriors that have been killed for murders committed on our peaceable inhabitants, in viola- 
tion of the most solemn treaties entered into with us, as this State had experienced many and repeated injuries 
from that nation, during the late war with Great Biitain, such as killing our inhabitants and plundering us of our pro- 
perty, all of which we were willing to sacrifice rather than continue the war a day longer than the United States 
wished to crown the Union with peace. 

That you may be as well informed as the nature and situati(m of matters will admit, it is needful that I should 
inform you, that, from letters I received from James White, Esq. agent for Indian affairs for the southern depart- 
ment, dated last March and April, there was some reason to think the Indians were not perfectly for peace; and, on 
his return to the State, he informed me that they had assured him that no hostilities should be committed or injury 
done to this State before August, or until they received an answer from Congress or him; but, in direct violation of 
this promise, they did, onthe 29th day of May, in the county of Greene, kill and scalp two of our men, and carried off 
a negro and fourteen horses. A party of militia crossed the Oconee river in pursuit of the murderers fell \x\ with 
some Indians of that nation, and killed twelve, which, from the first talk I received, appear to be of the Lower 
towns, and the murderers from the Upper Towns, which is the distinction they make. From their talk I thought we 
were to have peace; as they remark, it was impossible for us to tell whether it was the Upper or Lower Creeks that 
had done the murder, or been killed by our men. Their talk of the 27th of July insolently demands the officer that 
commanded the party, and as many ofhis men to be delivered to them as will make satisfaction for the twelve war- 
riors they have lost. Candor compels me to say, when I think of this insolent demand, the repeated alarms they 
have given our frontiers, and the injury the State sustains from them, that I feel my blood run warm in my veins, 
and a just impulse to chastise them for their insolence and perfidy, and think it my indispensable duty, if they com- 
mit hostilities on this State, to take the most effectual means in my power for the defence of the same, by carrying 
the war into their country, or such other measures as may be most for the safety and happiness of the inhabitants of 
this country. 

I have the honor to be, with much respect and real esteem, gentlemen, your most obd't serv't, 

. . GEO. MATHEWS. 



32 - INDIAN AFFAIRS. [1789. 



G. No. 2. 

CussETAHS, Jtcne 14, 178f. 



The beloved man from Congress was here, and we had talk with him; what was agreed upon there, did not 
answer* then Mr. McGillivray came over here, and matters were settled. Mr. White and Mr. McGillivray came 
upon terms, and it was told to them, and they agreed to it, till such time as Col. White sent an answer back. We 
then thought that matters were settled, and we did nothmg but mmd our busmess. Mr. McGillivray promised to 
acquaint the Upper Towns of this, and for them to lie still. We then expected that Mr. White would inform the 
State of Georgia of this, and tell them that we were their friends. We minded nothing but our hunting; we always 
talk together, and always agreed, and promised that if any thing happened we would not go on rashly, but let one 
another know our grievances. You always promised that the innocent sliould not suiter tor the guilty. You cer- 
tainly knew us; we were always among the houses; we did not know of the Upper Towns doing any mischief, nor 
did we think that our friends would kill us for what other bad people did. You could not think that it was any of the 
Lower Towns did you any mischief, when we were at your houses and living with you in a manner that you might be 
sure it was not us. We knew nothing of these bad people going out to do any mischief, or we would have sent you 
word: and we don't think but you must have known that we were your friends, or we should not have been among 
you a hunting; and hope you will send us an answer, and tell us the reason that you have killed your friends for 
what other people did. It is not the rule of the Indians to acquaint you of this, but to take satisfaction; but we were 
always your friends, and we will not take rash steps, unless you will throw us away and not have us for friends. 
We always were your friends, and will be, let what will happen, is the reason we lie still, although we have lost 
nine of our people innocently; but still we wont take rash steps. We must have an answer immediately, that we 
may know what to do. Hope you will consider us, the Lower Towns, to be your friends. We look upon all white 
people as one, and suppose you look upon all Indians as one, is the reason you have killed your friends, who were 
your friends in the time of war, and are yet We have had a meeting lately with the Northward Indians. We told 
them and so did Mr. McGillivray, that we had settled matters with the Virginians, and could not go to war. The 
Oakgee 
of your 

there is more killed innocently; but we will lie still, and hope you will send us an answer: it shall be received as 
friends to us still, as we look upon you as friends still. We are sure that you must have been sensible that it was 
not the people that was among you did tiie murder. It was your rule that the innocent should not suffer for the 
guilty. Hope you will send an answer, that we may know what to do. We speak the voice of the whole Lower 
Towns, and hope you will consider us as friends. We hope you will send us an answer, and a white flag with it, 
that we may still be friends; and we will have all the towns together, and hear your answer; and then we will be 
friends a^^ain. No person need be afraid to come up, as the whole nation will be acquainted with this. Who brings 
an answei- will biing a white flag, upon a pole, in his hand. We shall wait for an answer, and nothing shall be done 
to you, no hurt whatever. The Uilk you sent to Mr. Barnard, by John Galphin, he delivered to Mr. Barnard a good 
while ago, two days after lie arrived, which we have not yet heard, nor seen Mr. Barnard, as he has not come to town 
yet to tell us the talk. We hope you will consider us as friends, as you are sensible we are your friends: for, when 
the En<^lish offered us great presents to go and kill you, we told them we would not; that you were our friends and 
brothers; we were bornin one land, and we were your friends and brothers, and will be to the last day, though you 
have not treated us as friends; but it might be a mistake; and hope, my friends, that you will not delay an answer, 
but let it come up with speed. There is a fellow down there belonging to our town, the Cussetahs, we hope he wont 
be hurt, but let him and John Galphin's negro, that he went down with, if you are afraid to send up, if you will send 
up the talk by John Galphin's negro and the Indian that is there, if you will be so good as to send them safe over the 
Oconee, then we shall be good friends, and try to keep the path white between us. You will likewise apooint some- 
body to give out the talks up here, and let a man be here constantly, that when there are any bad people who wants to 
do mischief, that they can send word down to alarm the settlements, so that we may then live like brothers; and let 
us try to keep peace, for peace is better than war. We can't blame you for taking satisfaction, it you had not taken 
satistaction trom those people who were at the houses with you every day; and if it is done in a mistake, we must try and 
take satisfaction from those bad people that went down and did the first mischief. However, I hope you will send us 
a good talk as soon as possible; the sooner it comes the better for both parties, that we may take one another by the 
hand again, and see one another once more in friendship, as we always will. ^ , „ ^ w, t- . t^- r 

By the request of the Lower Creeks, the two chiefs, the Hallowing King of the Cowetas, and the bat King ot 

the Cussetahs. .JOHN GALPHIN. 

JAS. DOUZEAZEAUX, 

Interpreter. 

G. No. 3. 
To the head-men and ivarriors of the Lmver Creeks.— 9.9th June, 1787. 

Friends and Brothers: 

Your friendly talk we have just received by our commissary, Mr. Barnard, and are very sorry to be informed 
(hat some of your people, our friends, should have been killed through mistake by our warriors, to revenge the mur- 
ders of some of our peaceable inhabitants. Yourselves must be fully convinced that our people have not been the 
ae-'ressors in this instance. As soon as the murders were committed by the Indians, our warriors crossed the river, 
and unfortunately fell in with your people. It was impossible then to distinguish whether you were our friends or 
enemies. We never knew, until we received your talk, by whom our people were murdered, whether by Upper, or 
■whether by Lower Creeks. We have repeatedly assured you it was our desire to be at peace with the whole of your 
nation. We still have the same wish, notwithstanding what has passed. 

Brothers: Remember the caution we now give you: should any acts of hostilities be in future committed against 
our people, or should any property be taken from them, be assured it will be impossible to prevent our warriors from 
doing themselves justice. Our great council are to meet in a day or two, previous to which, had we not received 
your talk, a large army would have been sent into your nation. What consequences would have attended this, you 
are capable of jiidging. We have sent orders to our warriors not on any pretence to cross the Oconee river. We 
wish you to give your people the same instructions. This will be the means of preventing any disputes in future. 

Brothers: Should the conduct of the Upper Creeks render it necessary to march an army into the nation, be 
assured we will consider your towns as friends and brothers, and treat you as such. 

Brothers: If you have the friendship for us you express, it is your duty to keep a watchful eye on the conduct 
of those V ho you may suppose have a wish or desire to disturb our friendship. Mr. Barnard or Mr. Galphin are 
always among you. If you hear of any mischief intended against our settlements, it is your duty to inform one or 
both of thein of it immediately. This you are particularly bound to observe by an article of the last treaty, entered 
into with our commissioners at Shoulderbone. . . i j 

You acknowledged that the beloved man of the Upper creeks, Mr. McGillivray, made a promise to our beloved 
man who was sent from the White town, that no miscliief whatever should be done. After having this assurance, 
our people considered themselves safe, and looked upon all the Indians of your nation as friends and brothers, .lave 
vou not often entered into the most solemn engagements with us? And have not you as often violated them? What 
had onr people to expect, when they saw their peaceable countrymen murdered? They determined to take satisfac- 
tion for the repeated injuries they had received, and it was with great difficulty that we, the grand council, could 
prevent our young warriors from marching in a body into the heait of your nation. From your late conduct, and 






1789.] THE CREEKS AND OTHERS. 33 



ihe assurance jou have given us in your talk, rest satisfied that we consider you, the Lower towns, as our best friends 
and brothers; and if you do not long continue to hold fast the chain of our friendship, it will not be the faults of the 
white people. 

You express a wish in your talk to have one of your people, who has been some time at Mr. Galphin's, sent to 
you. We have inquired for him, and find he has been gone several days, and hope he is now safe among you. Mr. 
Barnard, who is always with you, will carefully attend to all talks that we may send, and deliver them out to you 
as soon as they arrive among you. 

Brothers: ^^'e really regret the loss of your innocent people who have lateW been killed. It is your duty as 
men aiul warriors to do yourselves justice, by taking satisfaction of the persons who were the cause of it. In doing 
this, we shall be fully convinced of your brotherly love and friendship towards us. 

Brothers: It is our wish to see you and the Upper Creeks one people; but should they continue to create differ- 
ences between you and us, and you should think yourselves unable to take satisfaction, we will, as all friends and 
brothers ought to do, be ever ready to give any assistance you may require. 

G. No. 4. 

In a meeling of the iMwer Creeks in the Citssetahs, Q.Tlh July, l7S7.—Talk of the Fnt King to his honor Governor 

Matthews and the Council. 

Friends and Brothers: 

The talk you sent us in answer to ours, by your commissary, Mr. Barnard, we have seen this day; and, as 
that talk is not satisfactory to our people, we have agreed upon to send you this one more. 

Friends: 'Tis not we that have forgot the talks at Shoulderbone, but you. Among other things, it was proposed 
by you. and agreed to by us, that no hasty revenges should be taken in future by either side: and in the late affairs 
tis you that have been rash: for when the injury was done to you, you did not wait but for a little while and look 
around you to find out from whence the blow came, but fell directly upon our people, your real friends, who were 
daily among your houses, and whose persons you well knew, and some that were taken, declared themselves and 
towns to you, which you disregarded; it might have been from people of another nation for what you knew at that 
time. 

Friends: You ou^ht not fo think of making us accountable for any measures of the Upper towns, our brothers. 
They had two men killed last summer, and tliey can answer for themselves. They went against you unknown to 
Mr. G. or us, and he did not mean to break the promise he made to Mr. White, as he had declared to the wliole 
nation, and a talk from him is still expected by us. 

Friends: You must give us immediate satisfaction, life for life, an eaual number for twelve of our people 
destroyed by you. The leader of these mad people that did the mischief, and so many of his people, sliould tall for 
satisfaction: ('tis our custom to give it) then the tears of the relations of the dead will be dried up. and our hearts 
not continue hot against you: for it is; in vain that you call us f^riends and brothers, and don't consider and treat us 
as such: and as you wish the chain of friendship to be kept bright between us, we expect you will not fail to °ive 
us the tlesired satisfaction, as we should have given you had we been in fault. 

When you do this, you will then send a gentleman into our land to renew friendship, as we have often gone into 
yours for such purposes. 

A. McGIUTJVRAY. 

In twenty days from the date that Mr. Galphin sets out, we shall expect tlie leturn of Mr. Galpiiin. 

G. No. 5. 
To the Fat King ami other head-men of the Lower Creeks. — 7th August., 1787. 

When we received your talk by Mr. Barnard, our commissary, we considered you as friends and brothers. 
In the one you now send us, there appears to he mucii reason to suspect you of deceit, and that you were then, as 
well as nowj secretly our enemies. Whether this sudden change has been owing to the duplicity of your beloved 
man Mr. Gdlivray, or whether vou assume this conduct, it matters not. On wliat principle can you demand satis- 
faction t Your warriors were killed for the murder of our innocent iniiabitants, committed by your nation, in direct 
violation of the most solemn treaties entered into with us. We wislied, and still do wish, we could forget the many 
and repeated injuries you have done us during and since the late war wilii Great Britain. It is in vain to talk of 
satisfaction. Did you not, last summer, kill six of our peaceable frontier inhabitants? and did you not.atvSlloulder- 
bone, engage to have an equal number of your men put to death for them.- Have you done this? No 1 Did you not, just 
before we received your last talk, murder two of our people on the Oconee? And did you not, also, at the very 
time Mr. Barnard was down from you, kill two white men? Have you complied witli a single article of the treaties 
of Augusta, (jalphinton, and Shoulderbone? No! Instead of complying with your several engagements, you have 
repeatedly murdered our innocent people, burned their houses, and carried of!" their property. All these outrages 
we have submitted to, rather than enter into a war with vou. Your conduct towards us long since has authorized 
our putting flames to your towns, and indihcriminateiy killing your people; but a wisli to be at peace with you, and 
to spare tiie effusion of human blood, has prevented this. Now open your ears 2«iV/e, and hear what we tell you: 
..Should any act of hostility, or depredations, be committed on our people by your nation, be peiTectly assured we 
will not hesitate to do ourselves aniple justice, by carrying war into your countiy, burning your towns, and stain- 
ing your land with blood. You will then be compelled to fly for refuge to some other country. 

ft now rests with you, whether we engage in war or not: if we do, remember yourselves are answerable for the 
consequences. The hatchet once lifted is not easily buried. 



. • General Knox., Secretary of War, to the President of the United States. • 

_ . • ,. ... War Oefktk, Jm/j/ 28//t, 1789. 

■Sir; 

Having examined the report of the commissioners for treating with the Southern Indians, dated the SOth of 
June last, and the papers accompanying the same, I have the honor to observe: 

That it is the opinion of the said commissioners, that the Creek nation of Indians arc, generally, disposed to 
enter into a treaty with the United States, for the purpose of establishing a permanent peace. 

That it is of great importance that the favorable dispositions of the said Creeek nation should be embraced im- 
mediately, in order to terminate, by an equitable peace, the disturbances and hostilities which have for some years 
past existed on the Southern frontiers. 

That the said commissioners haA'ingbcen ai)pointcd by the States of Scmth Carolina and (ieorgia, in consequence 
of tlie resolves of the late Congress, of the 2Gth of October, 1787, it may be considered that their powers expired 
with the late confederation. 

1 hat^. therefore, it may be proper to institute a commission, to consist of three persons, to be appointed confcjiin- 
abiy to the constitution, who should be invested with full powers to inquire into, and decide on, all causes of com- 



34 INDIAN AFFAIRS. [1789. 



plaint between the citizens of the United States and the Southern nations and tribes of Indians, and to negotiate 
and conclude with them, firm treaties of peace, on principles consistent with the national justice and dignity of the 

/* United States. , , . ,.,..,., 

I have tlie honor to be, with the highest respect, sir, your most obedient humble servant, 

H. KNOX. 

The Pkesident of the United States. 

Georgia, Rock Landing, on the Oconee river, June SOth, 1789. 

Agreeably to the appointment of the Executive of North Carolina, under the act of Congress of the 27th of 

October, 1787, we attended at the Upper War-ford, on French Broad river, from the 25th of last month, to the 

/ 7th instant, in order to meet, in treaty, tlie cliiefs and head men of the Cherokee Indians, but as they did not attend 

/ on or befoie that day, we found it necessary to repair to this place, as the Executive of the State of Georgia had 

^ appointed the 20th of this month for treating with the Creek Indians. A treaty with the Creeks appearing to us to 

be of the greatest importance, we sent to the Cherokees a talk. No. 1. A. 

/ On our way to this place, we met several of the Cherokee liead men, at Seneca, who gave us the fullest assur- 
,/ ances that no hostilities or depredations should be committed by any of their people, against the citizens of the 
United States, until a treaty should be held; and we have every reason to confide in thejr promises. 

Some late depredations which were committed by the Creeks on the frontiers of this State, so alarmed their 
chiefs, that they returned home after having been a few days on their journey to this place. The talks No. 1, and 
2; Mr. M'Gillivray's letter. No. 3; Mr. George Galphin's.letter, No. 4; Mr. John Galphin's letters, No. 5, 6 and 7; 
and Mr. M'Gillivray's letter. No. 8; will explain to your excellency their reasons. 

We have now with us, Mr. John Galphin, a chief speaker of the Lower Creeks; the White Bird King, or the 
Great King; with sixteen other Indians. They will return to the nation to-morrow, with our general talk. No. 9, 
and our letter to Mr. M'Gillivray, No. 10. 

The great scarcity of corn, for upwards of eighty miles around us, was our principal reason for postponing the 
Creek treaty so long; by the middle of September we shall be aided witli the new crop. 

We are nappy to inform your Excellency, from good authority; that the Creeks are, very generally, disposed 
for peace. We are well assured, that all the head men of that nation, with upwards of two thousand Indians, will 
attend the treaty in September, and we have the fairest prospects of establishing a pennanent peace with the Creeks, 
on such terms as will be pleasing to the Indians, satisfactory to the State of Georgia, and honorable to the Union. 

In justice to the State of Georgia, we cannot conclude this letter without expressing our entire satisfaction in 
the conduct of her government; they have cheerfully advanced several thousand dollars, to enable us to meet so 
large a body of Indians, in a manner suitable to the importance of the occasion. 

We have the honor to be, your Excellency's most obedient and very humble servants. 

ANDREW PICKENS, 
H. OSBORNE. 
His Excellency George Washington, 

President of the United States. 

^ ; I'c No. 1. A. 

Upper War-ford, ON French Broad river, 7th June, 1789. 

To the Head-men, Chiefs, and Warriors, of the Cherokee Nation. 
Friends and Brothers: 

Agreeable to our appointment with you, we met at this place, expecting to have the pleasure of meeting 
you, to settle all disputes that have subsisted between you and the white people. We have waited here for you 
twelve days, and we are now obliged to go and meet the Creeks, on the Oconee, on the 20th of this month, so that 
we can stay no longer. We are, therefore, under the necessity of postponing the treaty with you till some other 
time that will be appointed and made convenient for both parties. 

We are sorry to find that the people of Cumberland have reason to complain; many of those people have been 
killed by the Indians. You all know that the people of Cumberland make no encroachments upon your lands; 
the line was settled at Seneca, and the people of Cumberland do not go over it. We hope none of your people are 
concerned in such mischief, as it would intermpt the good intentions of Congress towards your people. We expect 
you will put a stop to all such proceedings against any of our people, until we meet you in treaty, when we have no 
doubt of settling all matters to your satisfaction. In token ofour friendship, we send you a string of white beads. 
^ ANDREW PICKENS, 

JOHN STEELE, 
H. OSBORNE. 

No. 1. 

^ talk from the Head-men and Chiefs of the /.ower Creek nation, to the Commissioners of the United States, of 

Indian affairs, in the Southern Department.— May 23rf, 1789. 

We received your talk by Mr. George Galphin, but at that present time we were not able to give you an 
answer, in consequence of a great meeting'and a talk being concluded by Mr. McGillivray, and the wliole nation, 
in consequence of the encroachments of the Georgians on our hunting grounds. Orders were given out for our war- 
riors to be in readiness to turn out in respect to their lands. We then first sent runners every where to stop and 
turn back all parties they could come up with, until we could hear from Mr. McGillivray, and have his advice in 
the matter. There are some people, we believe, gone on, the consequence of which we cannot be accountable for, 
as they were gone before your talk came in; but I hope there will be no blood spilt; your delay in not sending up 
your talk sooner, is the reason of it: had your talk come a little sooner, it might have been a great deal better. W'e 
have been informed you would send a talk to us, but its not coming, we did not know what to do. Now we have 
sent to Mr. McGillivray to know when he will appoint the time for setting off to meet you at the place you appoint- 
\ ed. Mr. Galphin is gone to settle this matter with him; he will bring you word when it will be agreed on by the 
chiefs of the Lower Creek nation. 

No. 2. 

A Talk from the Chiefs, Head-men, and Warriors, of the Lower Creek Nation.— 1st June, 1789. 

The day is coming at last, that I hope we shall see you our fathers, friends, and brothers again, as we used in 
friendship, and renew all our former friendships. It was never our intention to be against any white people. JV e 
now come to take you by the hand, with a clear and wiling mind, and with an intent to remove all things that had 
shut our path so long, and to renew our former trade in friendship once more. 



ir89.] THE CRREKS AND OTHERS. 35 

We have always received your talks friendly, and sent you our talks again; letting you know always our griev- 
ances, and the reasons why this long dispute; but we now hope all will be forgot, and we now come to make our 
talks firm again, as we die! when we first took white people by the hand. As we were all made by one master of 
breath, although put in different parts of the earth, he did not make us to be at variance against eacii other; but it 
has happened, by the bad doings of our mad people, on both sides. When we first met the white people, at the sea 
side, we did not meet in arms, but with a desire of being further acquainted witli each other; until the great 
encroachments of our lands raised us, which has occasioned the late troubles aniong us. You are sensible that, at 
our first meeting at the sea side, for the benefit of trade, we gave our land as far as the water ebbed and flowed, and, 
by frequent request, granted as far as possible, reserving our hunting grounds: for wliat will be the use of goods 
brought amongst us, it our young men have not hunting ground to kill game, to purchase tiie goods brought to us.'' 

We never met together yet to explain our grievances, but we told them to tlie beloved man. Col. White, who 
came here to us, anJhe promised to lay all our talks, that we gave him, before the Congress, and that we should 
have redress and justice done us. Now we rest witli hopes that you will do the same by us, as we expect you have 
the same talks. 

We received your invitation, and do expect that, when we meet, all past grievances will be forgot, and laid 
a-one side, and then renew our friendship once more, to the satisfaction of all our people. Mr. George Galphin will 
acquaint you of every particular. This is all we have to say, until we shall take you by the hand, as our fathers, 
friends, and brothers. 

James Derezeaux, Interpreter. 



Dear Sir: 



No. 3. 

Little Tallassee, 18/A May, ir89. 



I have this moment received your letter, enclosing a talk of invitation to the chiefs and warriors of the nation 
to meet the commissioners of Congress the !20th June next. 

I wish that you could have been up, while I was in the Lower towns; the great fatigue which I have undergone 
this spring, prevents my seeing the Lower chiefs on the occasion. 

I have received a letter from the commissioners and superintendent last winter, in which they declared, in the 
most pointed and unequivocal terms, that it was impossible to make the restitution of territory the basis of a peace 
between us and Georgia, which we demanded as a first measure to be complied with by them, to lead the way to a 
lasting peace. 

At our late convention, I explained the letter to tlte chiefs, who were much dissatisfied at the declaration, and 
observed, that it was in vain to talk of peace while an obstacle of such magnitude was suffered to remain in the way 
of it, on the part of the Georgians; and the warlike preparations, which you notice in your letter, are carrying on to 
make another trial to accomplish by force, what can't be obtained by peaceable methods. Our excursions, hitherto, 
have been made with no other view than to warn tiie Georgians to desist from their injustice, and to induce them to 
listen to reason and humanity. It is well known, that, it any other was our motive, that our force and resources 
are equal to effect their destruction. 

On the present occasion, the chiefs, having sent for my opinion and advice, I have wrote to them, to be explained 
by Mr. Derezeaux. I have left the matter to their own choice; if they agree to meet, 1 will likewise go, though I 
iiave the best reasons against it. Yet apprehensions for personal security shall not deter me from fulfilling the duty 
which I owe my country. 

I am, sir, your humble servant, 

ALEX. McGILLIVRAY. 

Mr. Geo. Galphin, at Cussetafis. 

No. 4. 

Lower Creeks, May 27, 1789. 
Gentlemen: 

1 have to acquaint your honors, that, on my arrival in the Creek nation, I found it in a very bad situation to 
bring about a treaty. I at first began to despair of having it in my power to effect any of the business I came on, 
as the whole Upper and I^ower Creeks, down as far as the SeminoleSj were ready fitted off' to go out to war; and 
would have been started, if I had been but four days later, on the frontiers of Georgia. Upwards of three thousand 
would have been out, and intended to have drove Ogechec from the mouth to the head, which I fear they would 
have effected, after viewing the frontiers in such an unprepared state, and the Indians going on at such a surprise. 

1 was told, by many of the Indians, that, if anyone else had come at such a time but myself, they never should 
have returned bark. 'I'he cause of their setting out on such a general excursion, was by consent of Mr. McGillivray, 
after a general meeting of the chiefs and head men of the whole Upper and Lower Creeks; and, being infonned by 
liim that they were not to have their lands on the Oconecs restored to tiiem again, he acquainted them that the , 
Spaniards had provided for them, for the purpose of defending their rights to their lands, fitteen hundred stand of) 
arms, and forty thousand weight of ammunition. This, he told me, was what the Governor or commandant atPen- 
sacola told him, was what they had orders to do by orders from their king. On hearing of this great supply, the 
Indians were much exalted, and, I believe, would have turned out to a man, except the Cussetahs, who seemed much 
against it, which was happy for me on my business, or 1 could have done notiiing. 

On my arrival at the ('ussetahs, I met with Mr. Barnard, who had been at Air. McGillivray's talk, and had been 
trying all he could to put a sto|> to their rash proceedings, till an express was sent down, with an offer of peace on 
any conditions, as any thing that could be done to prolong the time, until news could have been got down, to have 
warned the frontiers from such a destruction as must have ensued, would have been better than to have it gone on. ^ 
Mr. Barnard's offers could not avail, as the Indians seemed determined to prosecute what they begun. Mr. Bar- 
nard's life and property were immediately threatened, and every exertion possible made use of, to prevent his going 
oft', or sending down news to Georgia of what was going forward. At my meeting Mr. Barnard at the Cussetahs, 
I handed him liis honor the Governor's letter, likewise General Twiggs', and communicated the whole of my busi- 
ness to him. He acquainted me with every matter respecting the present situation of affairSj and gave me every 
advice he thought necessary to effect my business, and then left me to my brother John to complete it, as he told me 
he dared not be seen to concern with me, at that time, at the risk of his life, which I found to be the truth. 

My brother, havin" a good deal of influence in the Cowetas, through our connexion there, which was the most 
strenuous for mischief I set him to work on them, and myself with the Cussetahs. We, in two days, got them to 
stop all that were on the move, till we could write Mr. McGillivray. They agreed to wait till they heard his answer. 
After; finding out the true situation of affairs, and, according to my instructions from you, I wrote a letter acquaint- 
ing hiiii fully with my business with the chiefs of the nation, and from whom I was sent; and, as head of the nation, 
gave liim every security, if he attended the treaty, tiiat no molestation would by any means take place, but timt eveiy 
respect would be shown him, which I hope your honors will take every step to secure, that my promises to him and 
the rest of the heads may not be violated. After my letter, he left the determination of the business on hand to the 
heads of the Cussetahs and Cowetas, who. after seeing Ms answer, consented to treat. He, at the same time, gave 
them to understand, that, if they were inclined to a treaty, he would likewise attend, and, by what I can plainly see, 
there is no measure to be fallen upon, to settle the present cause of dispute, without his voice. Even if a treaty 
could be called without his consent, it could not be a general one; therefore it would only be leaving matters in 
the same disagreeable situation that they are now in, and leaving the frontiers still open to perpetual violation. His 
attendance will put the matter effectually out of every kind of jeopardy, one way or other. 



^ 



36 ' INDIAN AFFAIRS. [1789 

I am now at Mr. Barnard's, on Flint river, forwarding to you this express. I likewise sent my brother off, before 
I left the town, to Mr. McGillivray, to know exactly when he and the rest of the heads would wish to meet. I set 
off again for the Cussetahs to-morrow, and, on the return of my brother, I shall, in a few days, set out for Augusta, 
where I hope, by the time I get there, you will nearly effect every preparation necessary tor a treaty at the Rock 
Landing. 

I shall be particular in ascertaining every necessary intelligence, which I hope in a short time to be able to com- 
municate to your honors in Augusta. Till then I remain, witli due respect, 

Your honoi's' most obed" t humble serv't, 

GEO. GALPHIN. 

P. S. I have enclosed Mr. McGillivray's answer to me for your perusal, and likewise a talk from the whole of 
the Lower Creeks. 

G. G. 

The Hon. And'w Pickens and H'y Osborn, Esq. 

Commissioners for Indian .Affairs in Southern Department, at Augusta. 



Sir: 



No. 5. 

CowETAs, 2Sf/ Maj/^ 1789, 



I take the liberty of writing to your honor of the situation of this our country. Wlien my brother arrived 
here, we had just had a full meeting of all the chiefs, and had lon^ waited for talks, but never received any, 
A John Tarvin arrived from Augusti, who we expected we should have some talks by, but had none^ there 
were a few private letters for Mr. McGillivray, but nothing of consequence. The chiefs then thought it was 
not the Georgians' intention to make a peace, on which many turned out; and the day my brother arrived, there 
were not less than two thousand under amis. I gave him my assistance, and stopped all ; and immediately sent 
to Mr. McGillivray. who acted the same. There might be small parties out that were gone so far. that it was^ 
out of our power to stop them: they turned out before your talks came up to this country. I hope tnat the small 
damages, wnich may be done by them, will be overlooked; if not, perhaps we shall not agree, as it cannot be 
accounted for, when they were in the woods before your talks came to this country, and I hope all will be looked 
over. I am sorry it was not more in my power to assist my brother, owing to a bad state of health I have teen ia 
for some time past; but, finding that he must fall through with his business, if I did not assist him, though I rode- 
about with him in great pain; and yesterday had a meeting of the Lower towns, from which you will see the talks. 
\ I found it necessary to go up to the Upper towns, and see Mr. McGillivray, as it was needless to have a treaty with; 
\part of the nation, and not the whole. It may, perhaps, detahi the time longer; but the business will be well tlone- 
I had been told that his lionor the Governor wrote to Mr. Barnard; am surprised that his honor is not more acquainted 
with business of this country, than to tliink that Mr. Barnard's influence could be of any service to that country, t 
believe him to be a friend of the State of Georgia, but I must take the liberty to acquaint you that Mr. Barnardl 
cannot do any thing here more than a trader, nor is it in his power. You will get the fullest information of this 
country by my brother George, and a treaty, you may rely on, we will try, if possible, to be at the time appointed;; 
but, if we should not, you must wait a few days longer, as this is an extensive country, and business cannot be done 
in a day or two. It w;ill be necessary that every preparation be made, for we will try to make a lasting peace; and^ 
for that intention, I will try to bring the chiefs of the whole nation. We may be in number, that will come down, 
about two or three thousand, and hope that you will be in readines for the reception of that number. 

I must now give some small remarks of the usage I have had in the vState oi Georgia. ^Vhen I was only seven- 
teen, the Assembly, under some pretence, robbed ine of better than forty thousand acres of land, a precedent not to 
be equalled in all the annals of history. I then settled store on the Oconee river, and, being alarmed that the Indians 
were likely to do mischief. Captain Kemp, with several of the neighbors, requested I would go to the nation to know 
the certainty, and, if possible, to prevent so shocking a scene. On my way up, I met and passed them; no sooner 
out of sight, I got round them, and gave the inhabitants timely notice, tliough my horse tired, and had to travel on 
foot forty miles, a fatigue I was but little accustomed to. They might, had they been possessed of one spark of 
gratitude, reckoned that information a temporal salvation. I leave the judicious part, for I think there must be some, 
to judge their gratitude, when, at that very juncture, they burned my house, robbed me of better than two hundred 
pounds sterling, to induce me to believe it was the Indians; and repeatedly threatened my life, from no motive, I 
know of, but of saving them. Had the men who made application the smallest idea of justice, they would not have 
suffered me to be treated as I was. Soon after, the commissioners made application to me to biing the Indians to a 
treaty; it w;is hardly possible for me to be zealous to serve a people who liad so unjustly injured me, and were 
• continually declaring they would take my life. However, to induce me to undertake it, and exhaust the remains 
of my shattered fortune, they seemed so point out steps that would retrieve my lands, and my own foolish credulity 
once more permitted me to comply with their request. The inhabitants were still swearing vengeance against me. 
I then did not think my life safe; I was then obliged to seek refuge in this, niy own country, where I was in some 
safety; and I have laid out of my own pocket better than eighty pounds sterling in purchasing the prisoners that were 
brought here, and risque my life to save theirs. All this I nave done to serve the Georgians. I will write you more 
satisfactory than at present, as I am now in a great hurry. You may be in preparation for a treaty; and have the 
honor to be, sir, 

Your most obed't servant, 

JOHN GALPHIN. 
The Hon. Henry Osborne, Esq. 

Commissioner of Indian Jlffairs, Jlugusta. 

No. 6. 

Sir: 

In my last letter to you, I mentioned where I was going; to the Upper towns, in order to see Mr. McGilli- 
vray, and have just arrived, and completed the business that my brother came on, which he must have fallen through 
with, had I not assisted him. I have settled every matter for him, and will be ready to start from this place, with 
all the Lower towns, the 13th of this month. I expect to be joined with all the Upper Creeks, and our chief speaker, 
Mr. McGillivray, the tenth of this month. We shall have all the chiefs of the whole nation with us. I can just 
tell your honor, that there will be more chiefs at this treaty, than ever was at a treaty yet, in order to settle every 
dispute. Matters may be settled on good terms, but we cannot come upon any terms unless every dispute is settled 
on a good footing; particularly that of mine, concerning my lands, which were taken from me when I was under 
age. I should once have thought myself happy of being a citizen in the State of Georgia, but it was withheld, and 
I must now look upon myself a chief in the whole of the lower towns, as they have now given me the honor of settling 
their business for them. In my last, I gave you my reason for leaving the State of Georgia, but I would still wish 
every matter could be settled on good terms for a peace: for no man has taken more pains than I have. 

I make no doubt there have been some people on the frontiers killed lately, but we have lost twelve in number; 
I think that may be upon a balance for what are lost on the frontiers. 

I will try to be down by the time appointed; it will be very necessary that all white people, who have no business, 
should be ordered away, as they generally give more disturbance than any others; and for no person to come on this 
side of the river, as the Indians are a jealous people, and hope every method will be taken to Iceep people back that 



CowETAs, June 1st, 1789. 



1789.] THE CREEKS AND OTHERS. 37 

Jiave no business there, if not we shall return: for the people of Georgia always bully than treat with tlie Indians, 
but I hope such steps will not be taken now. 

I remain sir, your obed't servant, 

JOHN GALPHIN. 
The Hon. Henry Osborne, Esq. 

Commissioner of Indian .Affairs, Jiugusta. 



Gentlemen: 



No. r. 

Rock Landing, 24/A June, 1789. 



I arrived here yesterday, and meeting Mr. Brian, the interpreter, this morning, he informed me of seeing 
a Mr. Whitehead on his way from the nation, wiiu did not altogether give him a true account of us, but I can assure 
you that I have it in my power to settle every matter amicably and satisfactorily to both parties. 

I shall wait at this place until I get an answer to return with, as your honors will find, by my instructions, that 
I can settle every thing agreeably. 

I have the honor to be, gentlemen, your most obedient servant, 

JOHN GALPHIN. 
TTie honorable Board of Commissioners for Indian Jiffairs. 

No. 8. 

CowETAS, l6//j June, 1789. 
Sir: 

Upon receipt of this letter, you are requested by the chiefs to proceed to the proposed place of meeting at the 
Rock -landing, on the Oconee river, where, if you meet with the commissioners, you are to inform them, tliat the 
chiefs have resolved to put off the meeting for the present, for the following reasons: 

That when the talk of invitation arrived iiere, the whole body of warriors were in arms, owing to the commis- 
sioners' letter of last winter^ ready to turn out, but the chiefs being ever ready to listen to just terms of peace, they 
agreed to meet the commissioners to treat as they requested,: but some parties having early gone out, could not be 
stopped, and they having returned within a few days of the appointed time for the chiefs setting out for the Rock 
Landing, and having done mischief in killing several people, the body of the people stopped the chiefs from proceed- 
ing to the Oc(mee, apprehensive that they might sustain injury and insult from the people of that country. 

The chiefs are willing to treat at a time when, a few montiis having passed over, each other's minds will be more 
co>ol, and can talk over matters with calmness and temfter; mean time they wish to have an answer from the com- 
missioners, upon what grounds they intend to conduct the treaty on. They apprehend that some demands will be 
made, to which they cannot agree, and they don't wish to meet them to quarrel, but rather desire, when they do meet, 
to treat of peace, to do it in a peaceable manner, and to conclude a peace on terms that may make it a lasting one. 
Wishing you a good journey, remain with esteem and regard. 

Your most obedient servant, 

ALEX. M'GILLI\TIAY. ' 

P. S. Assure the commissioners that every exertion will be made by the chiefs to keep things quiet, which may 
be depended on. 

Mr. John Galphin, in the Cowetas. 

No. 9. 

To the Head-men, Chiefs, and If'arriors, of the Creek nation. 

Rock Landing, on the Oconee, June 29th, 1789. 
Brothers: 

We came to this place expecting to meet you agreeably to our invitation, which we sent to you by Mr. 
George Galphin. We are sorry .iny thing should have happened to prevent your coming. We have heard your 
reasons from your chief speaker, Mr. McGillivray. with which we are satisfied. We have consulted your beloved 
man, Mr. John Galphin, and have fixed the lime for meeting you all at this place, to be the 15th of September next 
We hope you will be punctual in coming, that all disputes may be settled, and we may again take you by the hand 
as friends and brothers. 

As a mark of your good intentions, we shall expect all the prisoners in the nation, both whites and blacks, will 
be sent to tliis place as soon as possible, where one of us will remain to receive them. 

We have strictly charged our people not to cross over to your side of the Oconee, and we expect your people 
will not come on this side, except at this place, before the time for holding the treaty. 

We shall expect that all your people will be prohibited from committing any kind of depredations against ours, 
so that peace may be preserved, and all of us meet at the appointed time, as friends and brothers. 

ANDREW PICKENS, 
H. OSBORNE. 

No. 10. 

Rock Landing, June 30th, 1789. 
Sir: 

We have received your letter to Mr. John Galphin, and are very sorry we could not have the pleasure of 
seeing you at the time appointed; but as wc have fixeu a time agieeable to your wish, we hope nothing will prevent 
your being present on the 1 5th of" September next. It is our wish and desire to make a firm and lasting peace, 
on liberal terms, with all the chiefs of the nation. One of us will remain at this place to iiavc every thing prepared 
for the treaty, and to receive as many of the prisoners as can be sent down before that period. You will oblige us 
much by using your influence on this subject, as it will have a very happy effect in this country, and tend to promote 
a good understanding between the Indians and our people; we expect all the prisoners that cannot be sent imme^ 
diately, will be brought to the treaty. 

There are few things vex the people of this country so much, as having their horses stolen; we wish, and have 
no doubt, but you will put a slop to that practice in future, and that you will order as many of the stolen horses as 
can be found in the nation, to be sent to us. 

Mrs. Girerdeau, a widow lady of Liberty county, was plundered by a party of your nation in August last, and 
eight negroes taken ofl". She has five young children, and the negroes were the bulk of her and their property; 
feeling for the widow and orphans, we have granted her eldest son permission to accompany Mr. Galphin to the 
nation. We recommend him to your humanity in the strongest terms, and reauestyou to afford him every necessary 
assistance in regaining the property: he will return by this route, and we shall be happy to have an opportunity of 
rendering you a similar service, either in a public or private capacity. 

We have spoken very freely to Mr. Galphin, he will give you every necessaiy information, and do away any 
doubts that may have remained on your mind. It would give us great satisfaction to have some private conversation 
with you and him, prior to the public talks; we doubt not but all matters may be so settled betweon us, as will make 
the treaty both easy and agreeable to all parties. 
6 • 



38 INDIAN AFFAIRS. [ir89. 



For your satisfaction, we enclose you a resolve of the Executive of this State, and an order of the Governor thereon. 
It is our wish that no people whatever, belonging to the United States, should be disturbed or injured either in their 
persons or property, tdl all matters are finally settled between us. 

We are, sir, your obedient and very humble servants, 

ANDREW PICKENS, 
H. OSBORNE, 
To Alexander McGillivray, Esq. _ Commissioners. 

Chief Speaker in the Creek Nation. 

In Council, Augusta, June 19M, 1789. 

To the end that no interruption or personal interference may take place, between the honorable the commis 
sioners and the Indians, in the progress of the treaty at the Rock Landing, it is unanimously ordered, in the most 
express terms, that no person or persons whatsoever, do approach the treaty ground, or cross over the Oconee U* 
the south side, during the time of holding the same, or within ten days thereafter, without special permission from 
the commissioners, for that purpose; and any breach of this order will be punished with the utmost severity. 

Extract from the minutes. 

J. MERIWETHER, S. E. C. 

Council Chamber, June I9th, 1789. 

In pursuance of the above order of Council, the Governor and Commander-in-chief orders and directs, that the 
officers of the militia, guard to the commissioners, and of the State troops, do see, at their respective stations, that 
the same be not violated: and any neglect herein, will be deemed a breach of duty, and punished accordingly. 

GEORGE WALTON. 



No. 3. 

General Knox, Secretary of War, to the President of the United States. 

THE CHEROKEES. 

This nation of Indians, consisting of separate towns or villages, are seated principally on the head waters of the 
Tennessee, which runs into the Ohio. Their hunting grounds extend from Cumberland river along the frontiers of 
Virginia, North and South Carolina, and part of Georgia. 

The frequent wars they have had with the frontier people of the said States, have greatly diminished their num- 
bers. The commissioners estimated them, in November, 1785, at 2,000 warriors^ tiut they were estimated, in 1787. 
by Colonel Joseph Martin, who was well acquainted with them, at 2,650; but it is probable they may be lessened 
since, by the depredations committed on them. 

The United States concluded a treaty with the Cherokees, at Hopewell, on the Keowee, the 28th of November, 
1785, which is entered on the printed journals of Congress, April 17th, 1786. The negotiations of the commis- 
sioners on the part of the United States, are hereunto annexed, marked A. 

It will appear, by the papers marked B, that the State of North Carolina, by their agent, protested against the 
said treaty as infringing and violating the legislative rights of that State. 

By a variety of evidence which has been submitted to the late Congress, it has been proved that the said treaty 
has been entirely disregarded by the white people inhabiting the frontiers, styling themselves the State of Franklin. 
The proceedings of Congress on the first ot September, 1788, and the proclamation they then issued on tliis 
subject, will show their sense of the many unprovoked outrages committed against the Cherokees. 

The information contained in the papers marked C, from Colonel Joseph Martin, the late agent to the Chero- 
kees, and Richard Winn, Esq. will further evince the deplorable situation of the Cherokees, ana the indispensable 
obligation of the United States to vindicate their faith, justice, and national dignity. 

The letter of Mr. Winn, the late superintendent, of the first of March, inftrms, that a treaty will be held with 
the Cherokees on the third Monday of May, at the LFpper War-ford, on French Broad river. 

But it is to be observed, that the time for which both he, and Colonel Joseph Martin, the agent to the Cherokees and 
Chickasaws, were elected, has expired; and, therefore, they are not authorized to act on the part of the Union. If 
the commissioners appointed by North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, by virtue of the resolve of Congress 
of the 26th of October, 1787, should attend the said treaty, their proceedings thereon may soon be expected. 

But as part of the Cherokees have taken refuge within the limits of the Creeks, it is highly probable they will 
be under the same direction, and, therefore, as the fact of the violation of the treaty cannot be disputed, and as the 
commissioners have not power to replace tlie Cherokees within the limits established in 1785, it is not probable, 
even if a treaty should be held, as stated by Mr. Winn, that the result would be satisfactory. 
All which IS humbly submitted to the President of the United States. 

H. KNOX. 



War Office, July 7th, 1789. 



A. No. 1. 

Hopewell, on the Keowee, 2rf December, 1785. 



i 



Sir: 

We enclose to your Excellency a treaty which we entered into on the 28th ultimo, with all the Cherokees at 
this place. We had invited the Chiefs only of the respective towns, but they having some reason to expect ill 
treatment from some disorderly people in that part of the westward of North Carolina, where the exercise of an 
independent government has lately been assumed, were under the necessity of bringing their young warriors, their 
wives and children, who were most exposed, to be protected, so that from this nation we have had nine hundred 
and eighteen. 

Previous to entering into the treaty, we, with interpreters who understood the Cherokee language well, explain- 
ed the occurrences of the late war, with the extent of territory ceded to us by the King of Great Britain. We also 
explained every article of the treaty, so that they could comprehend it perfectly. After it was signed, they express- 
ed their obligations to the United States of America for taking them under protection, and treating them with such 
unexpected justice. 

The agents of Georgia and North Carolina attended the treaty, as will appear by their protest, herewith enclosed. 
The commissioners, in establishing the boundary which is the chief cause of all the complaints of the Indians, 
were desirous of accommodating the southern States, and their western citizens, in any thing consistent with the 
duty we owed to the United States. 

We established the line from forty miles above Nashville on the Cumberland, agreeable to the deed of sa'e to 
Richard Henderson & Co. as far as the Kentucky ford; thence to the mountain six miles south of Nolichuckey, 
agreeable to the treaty in 1777, with Colonel William Christie, William Preston, and Evan Shelby, on the part of 
Yirginia; and Waitstill Avery, attorney general. Colonel Robert Lanier, William Sharp, and Joseph Winston, on 



17»9.] THE CHEROKEES AND OTHERS. 39 



thepart of North Carolina; thence by agreement, south, to the North Carolina line, and to the South Carolina 
Indian boundary; thence to the Tueelo river, the treaty at Dewit's corner in 17T7, with States of South Carolina 
and Georgia; thence, over the Currahee mountain, to the south fork of Oconee, the treaty at Augusta, of 1783. The 
line from Duck river is now given by the Cherokees to accommodate the people of Nashville, and others, south of 
the Cumberland, (which river is the southern boundary of the lands sold to Richard Henderson & Co.) as it would 
be difficult to remove them, as well as very distressing to the citizens. 

There are some few people settled on the Indian lands, whom we are to remove, and those in the fork of French 
Broad and Holston, being numerous, the Indians agreed to refer their particular situation to Congress, and abide 
their decision. We told them there were too many for us to engage positively to order otf, althougli they had set- 
tled expressly against the treaty entered into by Virginia and North Carolina with the Cherokees in 1777. 

The commissioners know not what is best to be done in this case. They see that justice, humanity, and good 
policy, require that some compensation should be made to the Indians for these lands; but the manner of doing it 
probably would be difficult. However, a small sum we think could be raised on the unlocated lands, as well as 
from th9se already settled; and which, if appropriated to the purpose of teaching them some useful branches of 
mechanics, would be of lasting advantage. Some of the women have lately learnt to spin, and many of them are 
very desirous that some method should be fallen on to teach them to raise flax, cotton, and wool, as well as to spin 
and weave it. 

We have required the aid of the agent of North Carolina, and the commissioners of Georgia, in the execution 




We told them that we invited and expected the head-men and warriors only; that the object of our commission was 
altogether for their benefit, and we had made provision accordingly. 

The Spaniards and the French from New Orleans are making great efforts to engross the trade of the Indians; 
several ot them are on the nortli side of the Tennessee, and well supplied with proper goods for the trade. The 
Governor of New Orleans, or West Florida, has sent orders to the Chickasaws to remove all traders from that-- 
country, except those who had or should take the oath of allegiance to the Catholic King: and also, had apppointed 
ten traders, who were down after goods, when our informant, a man of respectability, left that country. 

We sent a very intelligent, honest man, with our invitation to the Choctaws and Chickasaws. to treat with us, 
and he brought us assurances from them, that they would attend the treaty; and some of the former set out before 
he left the Chickasaw nation, but none of them have as yet arrived, and we cannot account for it, unless we give 
credit to reports, which contradict, expressly, all assurances of their attachment to the United States, and joy on the 
first notification of the resolution of Congress, appointing commissioners to treat with them, and receive them into 
the favor and protection of the United States. The Cherokees say that the Northern Indians have their emissaries 
among the Southern tribes, endeavoring to prevail on them to form an alliance offensive against the United States, 
and to commence hostilities against us in the spring, or next fall, at the farthest: they also say, that, not only the 
British emissaries are for this measure, but that the Spaniards have extensive claims to the southward, and have 
been endeavoring to poison the minds of the Indians against us, and to win their affections, by large supplies of 
arms, military stores, and clothing. 

We are at a loss what to do, to complete the object of our commission; the sum to which we are limited, is 
already, by our disappointments and expenses attendant thereon, so diminished, that we are unable to fix on any 
place, and therefore must await the further order of Congress. 

We have, for the information of Congress, collected, as near as may be, the number of Indians in the four South- 
ern States, and we find the gun-men of the Cherokees, - - . . . 2,000 

The Upper and Lower Creek nation, from an agent who resided seven years in their towns, and employed 

by John Stewart, for the purpose, ---.-.. 5 400 

The Chickasaws, ------... gOO 

The Choctaws, ------... 6,000 

^, , 14,000 

There are, also, some remains of tnbes settled among these, as Shawanees, Eutchees, &c. &c. 
At a moderate calculation, we may reckon the women, the children, and the old men, unfit for hunting, to four 
times the number of gun-men. 

We have the honor to be, with due respect, &c. 

BENJAMIN HAWKINS, 
ANDREW PICKENS, 
JOSEPH MARTIN, 
His Excellency Richard Henry Lee, Esq. LACH'N McINTOSH. 

President qf Congress. 



40 



i»t 



INDIAN AFFAIRS. 



[1789. 



A. No. 2. 



0" 




^i 



>c 



«J 



1. Auifiisia. 
S. Nutchrz. 

3. Ocdiife river. 

4. South Turk uf Oconee. 

5. BroatI river, 

6. Car;ihee muuntaiii, 

7. Siivaunah river. 

8. Keeowee river. 



9. SiliidHh river. 
10. .Missi^siiipi river, 
IL 'llie rivt r above the fort, 

calKd KasKaskia by the 

litdiaiis. 

12. Tennessee river, 

13. Ococh:ip[io river. 

14. Muscle Shoals, 



15, Chiekflsaw Claim, 

16. Ocuiiiiee Mountain. 

17, Mou'itain SIX miles S. of 

Noticliueky. 

18. French Br.iad river. 

19. Nolichueky river. 

20, Holstun river. 



21. ] ong island of Holston. 

22. Chneh rtver, 

23. Po.vell river. 

24. Martin's Station, 

25. N.shville. 

26. Cumberland. 

27. Wabash, or Enemy river. 



28. Ohioiiver. 

29. Falls. 

30. Kentucky river. 

31. Fort Put. 

32. Henderson's Range for his 

horses and cattle, wiibin 
the circle. 



This map is copied from one drawn by the Tassel, and some other of the head-men of the Cherokees, to describe 
their territorial claims. It is not known whether the line from the mountain, six miles south of Nolichucky, will 
touch the North Carolina line to the east or west of the South Carolina Indian boundary; but it is supposetl to be 
to the west. 
Keeowee, 28//t of November, 1785. 

A. No. 3. 

Hopewell on Keowee, the I8fh November, 1785. 

The commissioners of (he United States, in Congress assembled, to treat with the Cherokees, and all other 
Indians southward of them, within the limits of the United States, assembled. 

Present: Benjamin Hawkins, Andrew Pickens, Joseph Martin, and Laughlin Mcintosh; from the State of North 
Carolina; the honorable William Blount, Esq. who produced his commission, as agent for that State. 

The commissioners ordered a return to be made of the Indians, and there were live hundred. The head-men 
and warriors having informed, that the present representation of their tribes was not complete, but would be so in a 
few days, it was agreed to postpone treating with them until the whole representation should arrive. 

November 21. 

The head-men and warriors of all the Cherokees assembled. Ordered, that the interpreters inform the Indians 
that commissioners will meet them to-morrow at 10 o'clock, under the bower erected for that purpose. 

November 22. 

The commissioners assembled. Present: Benjamin Hawkins, Andrew Pickens, Joseph Martin, and Laughlin 
Mcintosh. From the State of North Carolina. William Blount, agent. From the State ot Georgia, John King and 
Thomas Glasscock, commissioners. From all the tribes or towns of the Cherokees, the head-men and warriors. 
James Madison, Arthur Coody, interpreters. 

The commissioners delivered the following address to the Indians: 

Head-men and warriors of all the Cherokees: We are the men whom you were informed came from Congress 
to meet you, the head-men and warriors of all the Ciierokees, to give you peace, and to receive you into the favor and 
protection of the United States; and to remove, as far as may be, all causes of future contention or quarrels. That 
you, your people, your wives and cliildren, may be happy, and feel and know the blessings of the new change of 
sovere gnty over this land, which you and we inhabit. 

We sincerely wish you to live as happily as we do ourselves, and to promote that happiness as far as is in our 
power, regardless of any distinction of color, or of any difference in our customs, our manners, or particular situation. 



ir89.] THE CHEROKEES AND OTHERS. 



41 



This humane and generous act of the United States, will no doubt be received by you with •'ladness and held in 
ffratefui remembrance, and the more so, as many of your young men, and the greatest number of your warriors 
during the late war, were our enemies, and assisted the King of Great Britain in his endeavors to conquer our country' 

You, yourselves, knovv, that you refused to listen to the good talks Congress sent you; that the cause you 
espoused was a bad one: that all the adherents ot the King ot Great Britain are compelled to leave this country 
nevermore to return. ■'' 

Congress is now the sovereign of all our country, which we now point out to you on the map.* They want 
none of your lands, or any thing else which belongs to you; and as an earnest of their regard for you we oronose to 
enter into articles of a treaty perfectly equal, and conformable to what we now tell you. 

If you have any grievances to complain of, we will hear them, and take such measures, in consequence thereof 
as may be proper. We expect you will speak your minds freely, and look upon us as the representatives of your 
father and friend, the Congress, who will see justice done you. You may now retire, and reilect on what we 



November 23. 



Present as yesterday. After sitting some time in silence, the Tassel of Chota arose, and addressed the commis- 
sioners as follows: 

I am going to let the commissioners hear what I have to say to them. I told you yesterday I would do this to 
day. I was very much pleased at the talk you gave us yestercfay; it is very different from what I expected when I 
left home; the head-men and warriors are also equally pleased with it. 

Now, I shall give you my own talk. I am made of this earth, on which the great man above placed me to pos- 
sess it; and what I am about to tell you, I have had in my mind for many years. ' 

This land we are now on, is the land we were figiiting for, during the late contest,! and the great man made it 
for us to subsist upon. You must know the red people are the aborigines of this land, and that it is but a few years 
since the white people found it out. I am of the first stock, as the commissioners know, and a native of this land* 
and the white people are now living on it as our friends. From the beginning of the first friendship between the 
white and red people, beads were given as an emblem thereof: and these are the beads I give to the commission- 
ers of the United Mates, as a confirmation of our friendship, and as a proof of my opinion of what you yesterday 
told us.— [A string of white beads.] j 2' n 

The commissioners have heard how the white people have encroached on our lands, on every side of us that they 
could approach. ^ 

I remember the talks I delivered at the Long Island of Holston, and I remember giving our lands to Colonel 
Christie and others, who treated with us, and in a manner compelled me thereto, in 1777. I remember the talks 
to Colonel Christie, when I gave the lands at the mouth of Cloud's creek, eighteen springs past. At that treaty 
we agreed upon the line near the mouth of Lime Stone. The Virginia line, and part from the mouth of Cloud's 
creek to Cumberland mountain, near the gap, was paid for by Virginia. 

From Cloud's creek, a direct line to the Chimney-top mountain, thence, to the mouth of Big Lime Stone onNoli 
chuky, thence, to the first mountain about six miles from (he river, on a line across the sun, was never pa'id tor by 
the Carolina which joins the Virginia line. I wish the commissioners to know every thing that concerns us as I tell 
nothing but the truth. They, the people of North Carolina, have taken our lands for no consideration and are now 
making their fortunes out ol them. I have informed the commissioners of the line I gave up, and the people of 
North Carolina and Virginia have gone over it, and encroached on our lands expressly against our inclination Thev 
have gone over the line near Little River, and they have gone over Nine-mile Creek, which is but nine miles from our 
towns. I am glad ol this opportunity of getting redress from the commissioners. If Congress had not interposed 
I and my people must have moved. They have even marked the lands on the bank of the river near the town 
where I live; and from thence, down in the fork of (he Tennessee and Holston. 

I have given in to you adetail of the abuse and encroachments of these two States. We shall be satisfied if we are 
paid for the lands weliave given up, but we will not, nor cannot, give up any more— I mean the line I "ave to Colo 
nel Christie. " 

I have no more to say, but one of our beloved women has, who has born and raised up warriors.— [A strin<' of 
beads.] .. ' *' 

The War- woman of (^hota then addressed the commissioners: 

I am fond of hearing that there is a peace, and I hope you have now taken us by the hand in real friendship I 
have a pipe and a little tobacco to give the commissioneis to smoke in friendship. I look on you and the red people 
as my children. Your having determined on neace is most nleasing to me, for I have seen much trouble durin" the 
late war. I am old, but I hope yet to bear children, who will grow up and people our nation, as we are now tt) be 
under the protection ot Congress, and shall have no more disturbance.— [A string, little old pipe, and some tobacco 1 
The talk I have given, is from the young warriors I have raised in my town, as well as myself. Thev reioice 
that we have peace, and we hope the chain ot trieiidsh;p will never more be broke.— [A string of beads.] 

The commissioners to the Tassel.— We want the boundary of your country; you must recollect yourself and <'ive 
It to us, particularly (he ine between you and the citizens, with any information you have on that subject^ If 
necessary, you may consult your friends, and inform us to-inorrow, or as soon as possible with conveniency. 
Tassel. — I will let you know the line to-morrow. I have done speaking for this day. 

Unsuckanail, of New-Cusse, in the middle settlement.— I speak in behalf of Kowe, New-Cusse and Watoge 
I am much pleased with the talks between the commissioners and (he Tassel, who is the beloved man of Chota I 
remember the talks given out by you yesterday. I shall always, I hope, remember, that if we were distressed inany 
manner, we should make our complaints to the commissioners, that justice may be done. There are around us 
young men and warriors, who hear our talks, and who are interested in the succes ot this treaty, particularly as their 
lands are taken from them, on vyhxh they lived entirely by hunting. And I hope, and they all anxiously hope it 
is in the power of the commissioners to do them justice. The line mentioned by the beloved man of Chota is' in 
truth, as he expressed it; I remember it, and it was formerly our hunting grounds. ' 

The encroachments on this side of the line have entirely deprived us'of our hunting grounds; and I hope the 
commissioners will remove the white people to their own side. This is the desire of the three towns I speak for- the 
settlements I mean are those on Pigeon river and Swananno. It was the desire of the commissioners that the Indians 
should tell all their grievances, and I hope they will do justly therein. When any of my young men are huntin<' on 
their own grounds, and meet the white people, they, the white people, order them off and claim our deer —[A strin'' 
of white beads. ] " 

Chescoenwhee.— I am well satisfied with the talks of this day; I intended to speak, but as the day is far spent I 
will decline it till to-morrow. I will go home and consider on it. ' 

• We used VIcMiiiray's map, and explained, with great pains, the limits of tlie United States, as well as the occurrences of 
the late W!.r; and we believe they comprehend us. Somcolthe Indians li:id visited the Six Nations; some had been up the Wabash 
and (lou n tli.- Miami, to lake Erie; and others had been «t fort Pitt, the Natchez, Pensacola, St. Augustine, Savannah, Charles- 
ton, an<l WilliamsbiMir. g j^ 

t Hopewell is fifteen miles above.the junction of the Keowee and Tugalo; it is a seat of General Pickens, in sight of Seneca, 
an Indian town at die commencement of the late war, inhabited by one hundred gun.men, but at present a waste. Dewit's 
corner is forty miles east of this, and that was the eastern Indian boundary, till the treaty of 1777, B. H. 



42 



INDIAN AFFAIRS. [1789. 



November Mth, 1785. 
Present as yesterday : 

TucKASEE. I remember the talks when I made peace. I have appointed Chescoenwhee to speak for me to-day. 

Chescoenwhee. I rejoice that the commissioners have delivered their talks to the head-men of the difterent 

towns. I am in hopes that these our talks will always remain unbroken. What you hear from the representatives of 
the towns the young warriors will invariably adhere to. I am in hopes it is now in the power of the commissionerSj 
from their talks of yesterday and the day before, to see justice done to us; to see that we may yet have a little land 
to hunt upon- I was sent here to settle all matters respecting my country, and being under the protection of the 
United States, I shall return satisfied: we have been formerly under the protection of Great Britain, and then, when 
I saw a white'man, I esteemed him a friend, and I hope that the commissioners of Congress will see that times may 
be as formerly. I wisl\ what I say may be deemed strictly true, for so it is, and that I may be always looked on as 
a friend to thethirteen United States, and that they will see justice done me. 

The talks of the commissioners are the most pleasing to us, as they do not want any lands. Formerly, when 
I had peace talks, the first thing the white people expressed, was a desire for our lands. I am in hopes you will 
adjust and settle our limits, so that we may be secured in the possession of our own I will abide by what hitherto 
has been said on this subject, but cannot cede any more lands. — [A string of beads. ] 

1 am in hopes the commissioners will deliver to us our prisoners who are in their lands. Neither the com- 
missioners, nor any of the citizens of the United States, can suppose that we can be at peace on their account; 
they are our own flesh and blood, and we desire them out of your country. I am in hopes of seeing them with the 
assistance of the commissioners, they have been long detained, and we often were promised by colonel Martin 
tiiat we should see them. One of them was taken from Talksoa, three girls and one boy from Erejoy, and one 
boy from Tuckareechee: we do not know how old they are; we are a people who do not know how to count by years; 
they are in North Carolina, and were taken by an army from thence. 

OoNANooTEE.— I am to deliver the talks in answer to what I heard at Oostanawie. I was sent down from dif- 
erent towns to receive the talks of the commissioners, and to be governed by them. I do expect, by the time I return 
home from the commissioners, the young men of the towns of our nation will be tliere to hear me repeat what you 
have or shall say to me. I was told by all of them, when I set out, that they expected I would return with good talks. 
It was the desire of the commissioners, that we should tell all our grievances; the encroachment on our hunting 
^rounds is the source of all ours, and I hope they can and will take measures to see justice done in our land. I have 
attended to the talks of the commissioners, and our beloved men, and I sincerely wish they mav always abide by 
them. I am in hopes it is in your power to see our distresses redressed, and that you will order oft" the people who 
are settled on our lands, and protect for us our hunting grounds.— [A string of beads.] 

I wish the commissioners to take in hand the case of the traders in our country, and settle what respects them 
durin" the late war, so that they may not be seized on and plundered by bodies ot armed men as they pass to and 
from the nation. I am come down as one to make peace with the commissioners of the United States of America, 
and I hope the traders may pass through the country. I wish the commissioners would prevent such acts of injus- 
tice as robbing the traders; several of them have been plundered in Georgia and South Carolina, and their lives 
endangered if they should attempt to recover their property. As for my part; I mean to keep the path clear for the 
traders, as far as our line, and I hope the commissioners will do the same on their part. Here are the chiefs of all 
our nation, who hear me; the traders have been out for goods, and returned without any, having been robbed, and 
I hope it will not be the case again. I sincerely desire that our talks and complaints may go up to Congress, that 
they may know how we are distressed about our country. I have delivered the talks to the commissioners, and 
laid the beads on the beloved table, and as to my part of the country, I will keep the path clear. 

Tassel.— We have said all we intend to day if the commissioners; have any thing to say, we will hear it, and 
answer them. 

Commissioners.— We want the boundary of your country, particularly to the northward and eastward; this we 
told you yesterday; when we can agree upon the bounds of the lands, we mean to allot to you, we will prepare the 
draught of a treaty on the plan we mentioned to you in our address. 
Tassel. I expected to give the bounds of our country, but it is too late in the day, and I will do it to-morrow. 

November 25. 

Present as vesterday. 

The head-men, after some conversation together, requested the commissioners to give them some paper and a 
pencil, and leave them to themselves, and they would draw the map of their country. 

November, 26. 

Present as yesterday. 

The head-men produced their map, and the Tassel addressed the commissioners as follows: 
I will "ive the bounds of the land as far as I claim. Colonel Martin is present, and heard our talks at the long 
island of fiolston, and lie knows every thing I shall say to be true. The line which 1 have marked, begining on 
the Ohio, above Kentucky, aud running thence to where the Kentucky road crosses Cumberland River, thence to 
the Chimney-top mountain, and by the mouth of Big Limestone to the mountain, six miles south of Nolichucky, is 
justly our boundary with the white people. The Indians from the middle settlements will extend the line, and shew 

f' IIP It* f^lftlTl^ 

I know that Richard Henderson says he purchased the lands at Kentucky and as far south as Cumberland, 
but he is a ro-'ue and a liar, and if he was here I would tell him so. He requested us to let him have a little lands 
on Kentucky^river, for his cattle and horses to feed on, and we consented, but told him at the same time, he would 
be much exposed to the depredations of the Northern Indians, which he appeared not to regard; provided we gave 
our consent. If AttacuUaculla signed his deed we were not informed ot it; but we know that Oconestoto did not, 
and yet his name we hear is to it; Henderson put it there, and he is a rogue. 

Commissioners.— You know Colonel Henderson, AttacuUaculla, Oconestoto, are all dead; what you say may be 
true* but here is one of Henderson's deeds, which points out the line, as you have done, nearly till it strikes Cum- 
berland, thence it runs down the waters of the same to the Ohio, thence up the said river as it meanders to the 
beginning. Your memory may fail you; this is on record, and will remain forever. The parties being dead, and 
so much time elapsed since the date of the deed, and the country being settled, on the faith of the deed, puts it out 
of our power to do any thing respecting it; you must therefore be content with it, as if you had actually sold it, and 
proceed to point out your claim exclusive of this land. 

Tassel. I know they are dead, and I am sorry for it, and I suppose it is now too late to recover it. If Hen- 
derson were living, I should have the pleasure of telling him he was a liar; but you told us to give you our bounds, 
and therefore we marked the line; but we will begin at Cumberland, and say nothing more about Kentucky, although 
it is justly ours. 

Commissioners.— You must also make provision, if practicable, for the people settled at Nashville, and for such 
other bodies of people, if numerous, as may be within what you have pointed out as your claim. Our object in 
treating with you is to fix a permanent boundary, and to keep our faith in whatever we promise you; and you must 
not expect from us any promise, which we know cannot be done but with great inconveniency to our citizens. The 
Chicicasaws, we are informed by Colonel Martin and the agent of North Carolina, claim the lands at Nashville, 
and they are content that the people should live there, and you must mark a line for them. 



1789.] THE CHEROKEES AND OTHERS. 43 

Tassel and Tuskegatahee. — We understand you perfectly; we wish to postpone this matter if the Cluckasaws 
would come; it is a kind of common right in all the Indians, and they had no right of themselves to give it. 

Commissioners. — We have now no expectations that the Chickasaws will meet us, and you know the necessity 
of having the treaty completed, that we may, as early as possible, put a stop to the encroachments you complain of, 
if they do exist. 

Tassel and Tuskegatahee. — We know the necessity of completing the treaty, and we will mark a line for the 
white people; we will begin at the ridge between the Tennessee and Cumberland, on the Ohio, and run along the 
same till we get around the white people, as you think proper. We will also mark a line from the mouth of Duck 
river to the said line, and leave the remainder of the lands to the south and west of the lines, to the Chickasaws; 
we will, from the ridge, go to Cumberland, and up the same to where the Kentucky road crosses the same. Colonel 
Christie run the remainder of the line with us, as we have marked it, and he said we were at liberty to punish, or 
not, as we pleased, any person who should come on our side to violate the treaty; but this we have not done, and 
the white people have come over it a great way, as we have told you. In the fork of French Broad river and Holston. 
there are three thousand souls. This is a favorite spot of land, and we cannot consent to their having of it; and they 
must be removed. There are some few settled on other parts, whom the commissioners, we hope, will remove. 
We cannot mark a line round the people on French Broad; those lands are within twenty-five miles of our towns, 
and we prize them highly. The people have settled there several springs past, and they ought to be removed. 

Commissioners. — We expect some sort of provision will be made for these people, and you had better think 
seriously of it; they are too numerous for us to engage to remove. You sav they have been there for a long time, 
and ought to have been removed: while you were under the protection of the King of Great Britain, he ought to 
have removed them for you, but he neglected it, and we cannot stipulate positively to do anv thing respecting them, 
unless you choose to mark around them; for the present they must remain as they are; all the others you mention 
shall be removed. 

Tassel. — I have shown you the bounds of my countrj' on my map which I drew in your presence, and on the 
map of the United States. If the commissioners cannot do me justice in removing the people from the fork of 
French Broad and Holston, I am unable to get it of myself. Are Congress, who conquered the King of Great 
Britain, unable to remove those people? I am satisfied with the promises of the commissioners to remove all the 
people from within our lines, except those within the fork of Holston and French Broad; and I will agree to be 
content, that the particular situation of the people settled there, and our claims to the lands, should be referred to 
Congress, as the commissioners may think just, and I will abide by their decision. 

Unsuckanail. — I and my people are to extend their line, and, although our claims are well founded to a large 
portion of the mountains, which are of little advantage to any but hunters, and of great value to them, yet I am 
willing to extend the line to the southward until we come to the South Carolina Indian boundary; and we have a 
right, formed on the treaties at Dewit's corner, and at Augusta, to make that line, as far as the south fork of Oconee, 
our boundary against the white people. 

November 28th, 1785. 
The commissioners assembled. 

Present: Benjamin Hawkins, Andrew Pickens, Joseph Martin, and Laughlin Mcintosh. 

From the State of North Carolina, William Blount, agent. 

From the State of Georgia, John King and Thomas Glasscock, commissioners. 

The head-men and warriors of all the Cherokees. 

James Madison and Arthur Coody, sworn interpreters. 

Major Samuel Taylor, Major W'llliam Ha/.7.ard, Captain commandant John Cowen, John Owen, and George 
Ogg, merchants, with several other reputable characters. 

The commissioners produced a draught of a treaty, on the plan they originally proposed to the Indians, which was 
read, and interpreted to them with great attention, so that they agreed that they perfectly understood every article, 
and would with pleasure unanimousl^y sign the same; accordingly, two copies were signed by the commissioners and 
all the head-men, the one for the Umted States, and the other for tlic Cherokees. 

Previous to signing, the agent from North Carolina, and the commissioners of Georgia, delivered their protests 
against the same. 

After the treaty was signed, sealed, and witnessed, the commissioners told the head-men that Congress, from 
motives of humanity, had directed some presents to be made to them for their use and comfort; and that, on the 
next day, they would direct the presents to be distributed accordingly. 

November 29. 

Present as yesterday. 

The commissioners ordered a return of the Indians, and there were nine hundred and eighteen, and goods to the 
amount of $1,311 10-90 were distributed among the head-men of evei-v town. 

The Indians having expressed a desire to say something farther to the commissioners, they attended accordingly. 

Tassel. — I wll now inform you of some farther complaints against your people. I remember the treaty with 
Colonel Christie, and in all our treaties, that we reserved the Long-island of Holston for ourselves, as beloved ground, 
to hold our treaties on. I remember the commissioners yesterday, in an article of the treaty, demanded all their 
property and prisoners. I am now going to make my <lemand: I desire that Colonel Martin may be empowered to 
find and get our prisoners; he is our friend, and he will get them for us. I am now done my talks, and I hope the 
commissioners will be as good as their promise yesterday in the treaty. The white people have taken so much of 
our lands, we cannot kill as many deer as formerly. The traders impose on us greatly, and we wish our trade 
could he regulated, and fixed rates on our goods. Our traders are frequently robbed when coming to. and going 
from, our nation. John Benge was, among others, robbed of about £ 150 sterling's worth of leather, in the State of 
Georgia. 

Tuskegatahee. — I am not a chief, but will speak for my country; I shall always pay great regard to what I 
have heard respecting the treaty, as well as what may be sent us from Congress hereafter; and as I am within the 
limits of the United States, I shall always expect tneir protection and assistance. Our young men and warriors 
have heard what is passed. I expect, as our boundaries are ascertained. Congress may be informed of them; and 
that, as peace is now firmly established, and we are all friends, we may be allowed to hunt on each other's lands 
without molestation. On my part, being in peace and friendship with you, I shall feel myself safe wherever I ^a 
Many of your people on Cumberland and Kentucky lose their horses in our lands, and, should we find them, I wjsh 
Colonel Martin to receive them. 

NowoTA. — I am fond to hear the talks of the beloved men of Congress, and of ours. You commissioners remem- 
ber the talks, and I shall always endeavor to support the peace and friendship now established. I remember your 
talks by Colonel Martin, and I promised to be attached to America; but, until the present, I was afraid to be in 
your country. I am now perfectly happy, as you are to protect us. Your prisoner at Chickamoga, I will deliver 
you. Formerly, Captain Commeron saw justice done to us in our land; he is gone, and I now depend on the com- 
missioners. If any thing depends on me to strengthen our friendship, I will faithfully execute it. You are now 
our protectors. When Igo and tell to those of our people who could not come to hear your talks, what I have seen 
and heard, they will rejoice. I have heard your declarations of a desire to do us any service in your power; 1 
believe you, and in confidence shall rest happy. 

Commissioners. — We will give you provisions for the road, and wish you may be happy. We will send up to 
Congress all our talks. 



44 INDIAN AFFAIRS. [1789. 



B. No. 1. 

Hopewell on Kegwee, November 22, 1785. 
Gentlemen: 

Having yesterday had the honor to lay before you my commission, as agent on the part of North Carolina, I 
now consider it my duty to call your attention to the following extract from the constitution of that State, which was 
agreed to and published to the world on the eighteenth day ot December, in the year 1776. 

"The property of the soil in a free government, being one of the essential rights of the collective body of the 
people, it is necessary, in order to avoid future disputes, that the limits of the State siiould be ascertained with pre- 
cision,: and as the former temporary line between North and South Carolina was confirmed and extended by com- 
missioners appointed by the Legislatures of the two States, agreeable to the order of the late King George the 
second, in council, that line, and that only, should be esteemed the southern boundary of this State, that is to say; 
beginning on the sea-side, at a cedar stake at or near the mouth of Little River (being the southern boundary of Bruns- 
wick county) and running from thence a northwest course, through the boundary hcuse which stands in thirty-three 
degrees fifty-six minutes, to thirty-five degrees north latitude, and from thence a west course so far as is mentioned 
in the charter of King Charles the second, to the late proprietoi-s of Carolina. Therefore, all the territory, seas, 
■waters, and harbors, with their appurtenances, lying between the line above described, and tlie south line of the 
State of Virginia, which begins on the sea-shore in thirty-six-degrees thirty minutes north latitude, and from thence 
runs west, agreeable to the said charter of King Charles, are the right and property of the people of this State to be 
held in sovereignty." 

And to remark to you. that, years after, the State of North Carolina was received into, and signed the articles of 
confederation. 

I have the honor to be, vour most obedient humble servant, 

WM. BLOUNT, 
Agent for North Carolina. 
Benjamin Hawkins, Andrew Pickens, Joseph Martin, and Laughlin McIntosh, Esquires, 
Commissioners for negotiating with the Southern Indians. 

B. No. 2. 

Hopewell on the Keowee, November 28, 1785. 
Gentlemen: 

The State of North Carolina have at this tirne a law in force and use, allotting the lands contained in the 
following bounds to the Cherokee Indians: " Beginning on the Tennessee river, where the southern boundary of 
the State of North Carolina intersects the same nearest the Chickamoga towns; thence, up the middle of the 
Tennessee and Holston livers, to the middle of French Broad river; thence, up the middle of the said French Broad 
river; (which lines are not to include any island to the mouth of Big Pigeon river) thence, up the same, to the' head 
thereof; thence, along the dividing ridge between the waters of Pigeon river and Tuckasegee river, to the said 
southern boundary; tlience, west with the said boundary, to the beginning." 

Should you, by treaty, fix any other boundaries than the before mentioned, within the limits of the said State of 
North Carolina, between the said Cherokee Indians and her citizens, that State will consider such a treaty a viola- 
tion and infringement upon her legislative rights. The lands contained within the limits of Davidson county, which 
begins on Cumberland river, where the northern boundary of the said State of North Carolina first intersects the 
same; thence, south forty-five miles; thence, west to the Tennessee river; thence, down the Tennessee, to the said 
northern boundary; thence, east ^vith the said boundary to the beginning, have been appropriated by the State of 
North Carolina, to the payment of the bounties of land promised to the officers and soldiers of the continental line 
of that State; and it is said that the militia in tliat county are in number about seven hundred; and the State of North 
Carolina have sold to her citizens, for a valuable consideration, several millions of acres of the land, situate, lying, 
and being between the Mississippi, and the line as fixed by Colonel Cliristie, and others, in the year 1777, and without 
the limits of Davidson county, on which land several thousanJs of people are settled. 

I have the honor to be, your most obedient humble servant, 

WM BLOUNT, 
Agent for North Carolina. 
Benjamin Hawkins, Andrew Pickens, Joseph Martin, and Laughlin McIntosh, Esquires, 

Commissioners for treating with the Southern Indians. 

COPY OF colonel Blount's protest. 

Hopewell on Keowee, November 28, 1785. 

The underwritten agent, on the part of the State of North Carolina, protests against the treaty, at this instant, 
about to be signed and entered into, between Benjamin Hawkins, Andrew Pickens, Joseph Martin, and Laughlin 
Mcintosh, commissioners on the part of the United States, and the Cherokee Indians on the other part, as contain- 
ing several stipulations which infringe and violate the legislative rights of the State. 

WM. BLOUNT. 

A COPY OF THE COMMISSIONERS' ANSWER TO COLONEL BLOUNt's LETTERS AND PROTEST. 

Hopewell on Keowee, 28/A November, 1785. 
Sir: 

We received vour letters, of the 22d of November, with an extract from the constitution of your State, decla- 
rative of the limits thereof; of the 28th, enclosing an abstract of an act allotting certain lands to the Indians of the 
Cherokee nation, and your protest of the same date, against the treaty entered into between the commissioners of the 
United States of America and all the Cherokees; which we shall transmit to Congress. 

We enclose two articles of the treaty to you, which, we hope, as agent of the State of North Carolina, you will 
take measures to see executed, so far as the same respect the citizens of that State, or the faith of the commission- 
ers pledged for the restoration of the prisoners now held there. We are informed that the late Governor Martin 
made an unsuccessful effort to restore them, and that there are five, three girls and two boys, in the possession of 
General McDowel and Colonel Miller. We are certain that a steady adiierence to the treaty alone, can ensure 
confidence in the justice of Congress, and remove all causes of future contention or quarrels. The local policy of 
some States is certainly much opposed to I'ederal measures, which can only, in our opinion, make us respectable 
abroad and happy at home. 

We are, with due respect, sir, your most obedient and most humble servants, 

B. HAWKINS, 
A. PICKENS, 
J. MARTIN, 
L. McINTOSH. 
The Honorable William Blount, Esquire, 

Agent for North Carolina. 
N. B. The two articles enclosed are the second and fourth. 



ir89.] THE CHEROKEES AND OTHER?. 45 



C. Xo. 1. 

^Vis'ssBORoiGH, October IS. ITSS. 

I do myself the honor ot \yriting you the different occurrences respecting tiie people on the frontiers of North 
Carolina, and the Cherokee Indians, transpired since my last. 

In consequence of hearing that several outrages had been committed by the people of Franklin, (formerly called 
the new State) upon the Cherokees, I despatched a letter to the Governor of North Carolina, to put a stop to any 
furdier hostilities, as it was the wish of Congress to carry into effect a treaty with that nation. Not receiving an 
immediate answer from him. and having reason to believe these depredations continued, I sent a copy of the enclosed, 
addressed to the officers commanding on the frontiers of that State, which I hope Avill be attended uith every good 
consequence. You will also find enclosed a copy of a letter I have lately received from the Governor: on compar- 
ing these, it will point out to you the similarity of our ideas relative to the establishment of peace in that quarter, 
previous to the late resolution of Congress coming to hand. 

I shall avail myself of the earliest opportunity of making known to the Executive of North Carolina, the further 
supplies granted by Congress for cairying the treaty into eftect, which I hope may take place without the trouble 
and expense of marching troops from the northward, urging the Governor to send" on their commissioner with the 
needful, and to name the time and place. The answer, with their determination, you may rely on having transmitted 
you as soon as possible. I beg leave further to-observe. I have enclosed to the Cherokees the proclamation of Con- 
gress, and at the same time, requested a suspension of liostilities should take place. 

I have the honor to be, with esteem, sir, your most humble ser\ ant, 

RICHARD WINN. 

The Honorable General Knox, .. 

Secretary of JVar. 

P. S. Your favor of the 4th September, enclosing the proclamation of Congress, with the duplicate. I have to 
acknowledge, since writing the above. 

C. No. 2. . • ■ 

WiNNSBORouGH, 29?A August, 1788. 
Friends and Brother Soldiers: 

I write this to you in behalf of the United States, to intreat you to desist from any furtiier hostilities against 
the Cherokees, as it is the wish of Congress to be at peace with every tribe of Indians whatever^ and as tiiey have 
directed me to secure that peace by a permanent treaty, your own good sense must convince you how impossible it 
will be for me to effect it vyhile these outrages on both sides exist. Besides, what have we not to apprehend, if it is 
not put a stop to? A junction may take place with the Southern Indians, and, both united, may involve the innocent 
lives of thousands; perhaps \yhen, by a well-timed peace, nothing of tlie kind could ever happen. 

I have daily expected an interference between you and tiie Indians would have taken place, from the Governor 
of North Carolina; but as I have received no accounts from him of that nature, I cannot, consistent with my duty 
to the Union, hear of these unhappy dissensions continuing, without emotion; therefore, let me again, in (he most 
friendly manner, exhort you to a suspension of arms till such times as I hear from Congress, to whom I have wrote 
for further supplies to facilitate a treaty as soon as possible, at which, time, I am convinced, all grievances will be 
adjusted. The Indians I shall write to, to the same purport, and as I have been at a deal of pains to get proper 
persons to bear to both parties my ideas on the matter, I hope it will be attended with every good consequence, by 
your religiously observing, on both sides, a strict neutrality till the treaty is brought about. Any further information 
you can receive from Captain Baker, who is the bearer of this, and who is a gentleman I particularly recommend to 
your notice. Wishing to heai- froni you as soon iis possible, 

I am, friends and brotlier soldiers, your obedient servant, 

, , RICHARD WINN. 

To General Martin and others. 

Tlie commanding officers and inhabitants beyond the mountains. 

C. No. 3. 

EoEtiTos, Slst .August, 178S. 
Sir: 

The information Avhich you did me the honor to favor me with in your letter of the ninth, had reached me 
some time past. I had given orders for a process to issue to apprehend Sevier, and had directed the commandin'^ 
officer on the frontier to pursue a line of conduct similar to that pointed out in your letter. It gives me pleasure to 
find that your ideas in this particular so intimately correspond with the measures I have adopted to restore and 
preserv e the peace of the frontier. 

I am, with great respect, sir, your most obedient servant, 

SAMUEL JOHNSTON. 
10 Richard Winn, Esquire, 

Superintendent of Indian .iffuirs for the Southern department. 

• t 

■ ■ C. No. 4 . . 

Winnsborough, December 13th. 1788. 
Sir: 

Notwithstanding 1 have received no late accounts from Congress, I judge it necessary to continue giviii"- 
every information that occurs, relative to the Indians of (his department. " 

Since I wrote you last, the enclosed talk from the iiead-men and warriors of the Cherokee nation, came to hand 
which fully points out their disposition to come to a friendly treaty. I have urged (he same to the State of North 
Carolina, trusting they will send forward their commissioner and supplies. Should this step not be taken, and that 
State still continue to do them injury, I fear the disappointment of the Indians will be attended with bad conse- 
sequences, as, in all probability, the Union may be involved in a bloody and unnecessary war, whereas a well timed 
peace would prevent it. 

Sii-, I have tlie honor to be, with respect, your obedient servant, 

Tu T^i M A, • r. , u ,- o .r.r RICHARD WINN. 

Ihe Honorable Major General H. K\ox, .Sfcre<arv (2/^ ffar. 

e. No. 5. /..,.■...,• 

J talk from the head-men and warriors of the Cherokee nation, at a tnccting held at Ustinaire, the beloved town 
QOth November, 1788, addressed to the honorable Richard fVinn, Esquire, superintendent of the southern 
department, in answer to a talk sent by him, dated the 12th October, 1788. 

Friknd AND Brother: We received your tidk, likewise the resolves of Congress, dated Istis^ptember, 1788, like- 
wise a copy ot a letter from the Governor of North Carolina to you, and the proclamation from Congress, all which 



46 INDIAN AFFAIRS. [1789. 

aifords us much satistaction that we liave in you a real friend, who tells us the truth, and endeavors to do us justice. 
It likewise gives us much satisfaction to hear from Congress and Virginia. 

Brother: You have opened our eyes and likewise our hearts. The talks we received from you, pleases us mt!ch; 
that Congress is determined to have our hunting grounds open, so that our young men may hunt and kill deer to pur- 
/ chase goods of our traders, to clotlie ourselves and families. Our hunting grounds were very small, now it gives us 
the greatest satisfaction that they will be soon enlarged, as appears by the proclamation from Congress. It likewise 
gives us much satisfaction, that we have a view of returning from the woods where we have been driven, and once 
more settling again in our old towns, which we propose to do, when we are certain that the white people have cjuitted 
our hunting grounds. 

Brother: It affords us much satisfaction that a fnendly talk will soon take place. You inform us you have wrote 
to the Governor of North Carolina, to fix a time and place for that purpose; at that time we will talk overall mat- 
ters and smoke the pipe of friendship. 

The head-men and warriors from the middle settlement, were on their way to Ustinaire, but being infonned that 
it was good talks, and that white beads and tobacco were sent from Ustinaire to all the towns in the nation, they 
went back, fearing that some of their young men might go out again and do mischief: the lieadmen are determined 
to put a stop to all hostilities, and for the time to come, to live like brothers and friends as long as the sun shines and 
water runs. 

The following talk comes from the Little Turkey; 

Friend and Brother: Your talk I have heard, which gives me the greatest satisfaction, likewise all our beloved 
men in my part of the nation. It is a talk from you, our great beloved brother, who, I am informed, is appointed 
by Congress to see justice done us: we have now heard from our beloved brother from New York, likewise from 
Virginia, which now opens our eyes and our hearts, for they are the men we must abide by. Your talks are good, 
and your friendships we look on sincere, for the good of our land. I have seen the resolves of Congress, likewise 
the proclamation, for all the white people settled on our hunting grounds to go off without loss of time. 

Friend and Brother: I have the satisfaction to inform you, that Alexander McGillivray, chief of the Creek 
nation, has taken your talks, likewise the talks from Congress and Virginia, and means to hold them fast, and when 
they meet, will take his white brothers by the hand as we do, and hopes to live in peace and friendship as long as 
the grass grows and the water runs. 

A copy of this talk you will please to send to Congress and Virginia; it will be two moons before every thing 
can be settled to your entire satisfaction, because some of our beloved men are out a hunting. As for the prisoners, 
it is impossible to send them to Seneca at this time, because tliey are scattered througli the nation, but they shall 
be restored to their friends as soon as possible; we shall have all of them collected together; orders are given out 
that tliey may be used well, that my people should not be reflected upon hereafter for using their prisoners ill: this 
you will please to acquaint their friends, and hope they will make themselves easy for a short time. 

Friend. AND Brother: We must inform you that we look upon the white people that live inthe new State, very 
deceitful; we have experienced them, and are much afraid of them; we are now obliged to keep spies out continu- 
ally on the frontiers, fearing they will return and do us an injury as they did before. 

Friend and Brother: We must inform you, tliat there are some Creeks out and some of our people, that are not 
yet come in; if any mischief should be done, that is contrary to our desire; but on their return will all be stopt, and 
all hostilities cease against the white people, and the path made white. We must inform you that several tallcs that 
have been directed to the head -men and warriors at Ustinaire, have been opened before we received them. Your 
last talk came under cover to Mr. Ge^, and by him delivered in the square at Ustinaire, to our beloved men. AVe 
do not approve of any person opening any talks that come from our white brothers, except Mr. Gegg, who explains 
them to us, or our linguister, James Carry. The boy we had prisoner at Coosawatchee, we are informed, is delivered 
to Jesse Spears, in orBer that he may be conveyed down to Seneca; the girl is not yet come to her friends, but we 
presume she is in the land. We now have finished our talk; in token of friendship and peace, we have enclosed a 

string of white wampum. , . , -^ , 

Yellow Bird, The Little Turkey, 

Chickhesattee, Thigh, 

Dick, Cowetthee, 

Glass, Dragon Canoe, 

■> ■ 77ie Jobber'' s Son, Bear coming out of a hole, 

Killy Geshee, Humming Bird, 

. ' Jill Chestnut, . Hanging Maw, 

The Warrior Nephew, Fool Warrior Nottley, 

Second Man, Badger, 

Norrawahee, Prince, 

Watts. 



C. No. 6. • 

Long Island, Hoslton River, \5th January, 1789, 

I had the honor to receive two letters froni your office, bearing date the 22d of August last past, one by way 
of Virginia, the other North Carolina, enclosing sundry resolves of Congress, also proclamations: they came to 
hand the 9th day of October last— that day being appointed by the field officers of Washmgton district, to meet and 
concert some plan for carrying an expedition against the Cherokee Indians, which was agreed on in the following 
manner- Resolved, That fifteen hundred men be immediately draughted out of Washington district; that. each cap- 
tain of a company see their men well armed, and ten days' provision for each man. Before the council rose, your 
despatches came to hand, which I immediately laid before them, which put a final stop to any further proceeding 

The next morning I sat out for my plantation in South Carolina, where some of the Indians had retreated to, in 
order to escape Mr. Sevier, with a view to send some runners of them through their nation and collect their chiefs 
together; that I would meet them at any place they might desire, and lay before them se\'eral resolves of Congress, 
which would be very satisfactory to them, also a letter from the Governor of North Carolina. But on my way 
thither at Major Taylor's, at Seneca, was informed, a few hours before my arrival tliere, two gentlemen from Vir- 
dnia by order of Government, had called two of the Indian chiefs there, and had done some business with them, 
and the Indians set out for their nation. On which, I despatched a runner after them, and brought them back, and 




despatched a messenger to Eastewley, reouesting some of the chiefs, of my acquaintance, to come to my planta- 
tion where we might talk face to face. They attended accordingly. I then and there read to them the several 
resolves of Congress, to me directed, also the proclamation, and impressed on their minds the justness of Congress 
for their safety? also the consequence that might attend to those regardless of that power. After which, WiTliam 
Elders one of Aeir chief warriors, rose up and spoke, which you will see m No. 2. After he had finished his talk, 



1789.1 THE CHEROKEES AND OTHERS. 47 

he tells me his nation was for peace, and was desirous of returning to their old towns; but that they had no way of 
sustenance; that while they liveil out in the hunting ground, they could get meat, and those that went to the Creeks 
could yet corn; that he feared they must ail join the Creek Indians or perish. I then asked him if tiiey could get 
corn if they all would return to their old towns? His answer was, they most certainly would, if the w"liite people 
were moved oif their lands. I then told him I would, at my own expense, furnish Citico. a town I formerly lived in, 
and would lay a statement of their distressed situation before Congress: perhaps they might take pity on them, 
which seemed to have a wonderful effect on this warrior. In a short time after, several old women from that town, 
applied to me for salt to purchase corn with from other towns. All of whom I furnished, and sent them back well 
pleased. In the intermediate time, I went over to a plantation I had in Georgia; the evening of my arrival at that 
place. I was attacked by a party of Creek Indians. In the skirmish, my overseer was badly wounded; I was obliged 
to take to the house, leaving them masters of the field: they took off my horses, with several others, leaving one of 
their warriors dead on the ground. 

I am well assured that, with prudent means, we may have the Cherokee Indians our friends: but it is to be feared 
there is a party that has such a thirst for the Cherokee lands, they will take every measure in theirpower to prevent 
a treaty. You will observe, in the tulks sent on in October last, that the Hanging Maw said, all hostilities should 
cease. Before he reached the nation, 400 Creek Indians were come out, were joined by 1200 Cheroke^s. iiad 
marched against the frontiers, and had stormed a fort and took 28 prisoners before the runners overtook them. The 
whole frontier country seemed then to be in their power. Tlie then !lo^t!le Indians had several companies of iiorse, 
equipt from the Creek nation, commanded by white men from that quarter. As soon as runners overtook them, and 
informed that Congress had sent to them, they returned, leaving a letter addressed to Mr. Sevierand myself, saying 
they were then on their own ground, and did not intend to go any farther; that the prisoners they should take care 
of; that they did not wish to spill any more blood; that they would allow the people thirty days to move oft" their 
lands. After which the superintendent sent to diem to meet him at Hopewell or Keowee, which they did; two of 
the commissioners met also, who gave the Indians the greatest reasons to believe all hostilities between them and the 
white people would cease; the Indians w ent oft' well pleased; but, a few days after, when all the Indians were order- 
ed out by their warriors to make their winter's hunts, that war was no longer to be dreaded by them, bein'' well 
assured by the commissioners of the same, Mr. Sevier went to one of their towns, took off 29 prisoner^, and'^plun- 
dered the town; which actings of Mr. Sevier made great confusion again, but by the early interposition of General 
Pickens and some others, that aftiont was allayed, alleging those Indian prisoners taken by Mr. Sevier were to 
exchange for those taken by them. Another misfortune happened shortly after that: a party of men went to where 
some Indians were hunting, under a color to trade with them for furs, wiiich they had at their camp, took an advan- 
tage, and shot two of the Indians dead, and plundered their camp. 

I fear no regulations to confirm a peace, so much the desire of the well-disposed citixen, will take place with the 
arrival of the troops ordered by Congress. 

I have promised to see the Indians again some time in April next; if Congress thinks proper to send on any talks 
to them, I think it will be of essential sei-vice towards forwarding the treaty. 

Any commands you will honor me with, will meet me at my seat at fort Patrick Henry, Long Island, Holston 
river, Sullivan county, North Carolina. 

I have the lionor to be, your most obedient and most humble servant, 

Tu H H V c , rri' V ^^^- MARTIN. 

Ihe Hon. H. Knox, oecrelary of Irar, V 

or, in Ills absence, the next in command. 



C. No. 7. 

^ Talk from the Head-men and Warriors of the Cherokees, now met at their beloved toicn of Ustinaire, 1st Ncvem- 

ber, 1788, addressed to Brigadier General Martin. 
Friend and Brother: 

We hear that you are at Tascola, and that you are tlie great warrior of North Carolina and the new State 
Your people provoked us first to war, by settling on our lands and killing our beloved men; however, we have laid 
by the hatchet, and are strongly for peace. Now we have heard fiom our brother, also from Congress, likewise the 
Governor of Virginia, who tells us that the people settled on our hunting grounds shall be removed without loss of 
time, which gives us great satisfaction. As we told you befi)re, we are strongly for peace: we do not want any more 
war; we hope you will keep ycnir people now at peace, and not to disturb us as they have done. A\'hen these people 
move, we shall all be fnemls and brothers. There are a great many Creeks out: if they should do your people any 
injury we hope you will not lay the blame on us. for all our head-men and warriors will prevent our young people 
lor the future to do the white people any injury, but they expect they will move oft' their land ^ f 1 

The talk from Congress, and the talk likewise from the Governor of Virginia, we have taken fast hold of, and 
will remember, because they are good, and strongly desirous to live in the greatest friendship with their red brothers 
We should be glad to receive a talk from you, it it is a good one, and for hereafter to live in peace and friendship 
We desire you will let our Inends and brothers in North Carolina hear this talk, which we hope will be the means 
to procure that peace and friendsiiip we so strongly desire. We are your friends and brothers. 

The Badger, Tliigh, 

The Crane. Pumpkin Vine, 

^ Bloody Felloiv, Chesnnt, 

Jobber's Son, Hanging Maiv, 

Atllygiskee, Tlie Lyin Fawghn, 

: lellow Bird, - The Englishman, Src. 

Bear coming out of the tree. 

Pine Log, ,3rfiVoi;em6er 1788. 

Dear Sir: I send you a talk from the head-men and warriors met at Ustinaire, on the 1st instant, which I hope 
Will give you satisfaction, and prevent a war. I should always be glad to receive a line from you. 
I am, dear sir, your most obedient humble servant, 

THO. GEGG. 

. ' C. No. 8. ■ '■ 

Brother; 

We have been long acquainted with you, and know you to be our friend: but what is the reason Congress has 
not moved those people from off our lands before now? You were one of the beloved men that spoke for Congress at 
Keowee three years ago; you then said the people should move off in six moons from that time: but near forty moons 
T+iP?;-^"° thev are not gone yet. We well remember, whenever we are invited into a treaty, as observed by us 
at that time, and bounds are fixed, that the white peonle settle much faster on our lands than they did before. It 
must certainly be the case, they think we will not break the peace directly, and they will strengthen themselves and 
Keep the lands. You know this to be the case. You told us at the treaty, if any white people settled on our lands 
we might do as we pleased with them. They come and settle close by our towns, and some of the Chicamoga people 
came, contrary to our desire, and killed a family; and the white people came and drove us out of our towns, and 



48 INDIAN AFFAIRS. [1789, 

killed some of our beloved men, and several women and little children, although we could not liclp what tlie Chica- 
nioga people does. You know that well. We are now like wolves, ranging about the woods to get something to eat. 
Nothing to be seen in our towns but bones, weeds, and grass. But, for all this, we will lie still; we will not do am 
more miscliiel' if the white people will stop. I am but a boy, but my eyes are open, and wherever I turn them, many 
young men turn with them. I here give you this string ot white beads, as a token of my friendship to you; also 1 
present you with a string in the name of yoiir brother John Watts; he says he holds you fast by the hand, but he 
cannot see you 3'et, as he is in great trouble about liis uncle. But the Corn-tassel will come to your house towards 
the Sjiring, and stay a great while witli you. as it will be very Imngry times with him then. 

WILLIAM ELDERS. 

C, No. 9. 

Fort Patrick Henry, Sullivan Co. N. Carolina, February 2, 1789. 
Sir: 

I have certain accounts tiiat some designing men on the Indian lands have assembled themselves to the number 
of fifteen, and call themselves a convention of the people, and have entered into several resolves, which they say they 
will lay before Congress; one of which resolves is, to raise men by subscription to defend themselves, as the Legis- 
lature of North Carolina refuses to protect them on tlie Indian lands, but, on the contrary, have directed and ordered 
those people off the Indian lands. A certain Alexander Outlaw by name, I am informed, is to wait upon Congress 
on behalf of this new plan. I think it my duty to say the truth of him: Shortly after the murder of the Corn-tassel 
and two other chiefs, this said Outlaw collected a party of men and went into an Indian town called Citico, whei"e 
1 he found a few helpless women and children, which he inhumanly murdered, exposing their private parts in the most 
^ shameful manner, leaving a young child, willi both its arms broke, alive, at the breast of its dead mother. These 
are facts well known and cannot be denied in this country. Mr. Outlaw has done every thing in his power to drive 
the Indians to desperation, although I find some complaint by the said Outlaw against me, for carrying on an 
expedition against the Cherokee Indians without orders from Government. I have once stated that matter to 
you, but, least that may not have come to hand, I beg leave to state the facts to you. In the montli of May last, a 
boat, richly laden, was going down Tennessee to Cumberland, the crew were decoyed by the Chicamoga Indians and 
Creeks together, all of which crew were killed and taken prisoners; after which doings, tlie Corn-tassel informed me 
of the cruel murder they had committed, also the repeated murders and robberies they were constantly committing 
on tiie frontiers of Cumberland and Kentucky, also on the Kentucky i-oad, in company with the Creeks. There,^ 
was not the least Iiopes of reclaiming tiiem as long as they lived so far detached from their nations. That the Corn- 
tassel had talked to them until he found it was of no use; that he, mth the other chiefs, advised and thought it best to go 
against them and burn their towns, by which means they would return to their allegiance; that then they would have 
it in their power to govern them. This the Indian chiefs urged in the strongest terms, which account I laid before 
the Executive ofNorth Carolina, who advised that peace should be offered them, and, if refused by the Indians, that 
then the principal officers of Washington district should pursue such measures as to them should appear most likely 
to put a stop to those merciless Indians on the frontiers and roads. It was unanimously agreed to march against 
Chicamoga, but by no means to give offence to the Cherokees, which has been a means of uniting the Chicamoga 
Indians to the other Indians. It will now be our own faults if we do not make all that race of Indians our friends. 
So great the thirst for Indian lands prevails, that every method will be taken by a party of people to prevent 
a treaty with the Indians. They are now laboring to draw some of the Indians to a treaty, as they may purchase 
J their country: this party say, if they can purchase of the Indians, they will have it \vithout the consent of any other 
/ power; that the Indians have an undoubted right to it, and not Congress; that if they could only prevail on a few 
1 of the lower class to come into their scheme, they would get conveyances made and contend for the right. This I 
\^ have heard fiom them. 

I this moment have received a talk from the Chickasaw Indians, which I enclose you. 

I have the honor, with much respect, to be, your most humble and most obedient servant, 

JOS. MARTIN. 
The Honorable H. Knox, Secretary of War, ., . • 

or, in his absence, the next in command. 

C. No. 10. ' ' 

WiNNSBOHoiiciH, March 1, 1789. 
Sir: 

I think it necessary to inform you, that a treaty will take place with the Cherokee Indians, the tliird Monday 
in May next, at the Upper War-forcl, on French Broad river, in the neighborhood of Swananuo, State of North 
Carolina. 

The Creek Indians, 'tis supposed, will also treat; they are now holding a great talk in their nation, tlie lesult oi 
which is not yet come to hand. 

I have the honor to subscribe myself, your most obedient servant, 

RICHARD WINN. 
The Honorable Major General Knox. 



No. 4. 

Gen. Knox, Secretary of J far, to the President of the United States, 

THE CHICKASAWS. 

This nation of Indians were estimated by the commissioners, in 1785, at 800 warriors; other opinions make them 
amount to 1200. 

The lines of their territory between the Cherokees and Choctaws, do not appear precisely fixed. Their limits, 
established by the treaty hereafter mentioned, are bounded on the north by the ndge which divides the waters 
running into the Cumberland, from those running into the Tennessee. The Mississippi on the west, the Choctaws 
and the Creeks on the south, and the Cherokees on the east. 

The United States formed a treaty \vith the Chickasaw nation, at Hopewell, the 10th of January, 1786, which 
was entered on the journals of Congress, April 17th, 1786. r , t ^ 

By this treaty, they acknowledge themselves to be under the protection of the United States, and of no other 
sovereign whosoever. A tract of land is reserved for a trading post, to the use and under tiie Government of the 
United States, of a circle ot five miles diameter, at the lower post of the Muscle Shoals, at the mouth or junction of 
the Ocochappo with the Tennessee. The land transportation from the head of the Ocochappo, to the head of the 
most northerly part of the Mobile river, is said not to exceed thiiiy-five miles. 

The distance of this nation from the frontier settlements being sogi-eat, is the pnncipal reason that no complaints 
have been made of the encroachments of the whites. , ,. 

In the year 1787, they sent one of the warriors of their nation to Congi-ess, to represent the distressed situation 
of the Cherokees; and that, unless the encroachments of the whites were restrained, they should be obliged to jom 
the Cherokees; and, also, to enforce the establishment of trade agreeably to the treaty. 



ir89.] THE CHICKASAWS, CHOCTAWS, AND OTHERS. 49 



THE CHOUTAWS. 

This nation of Indians were estimated by the connnissioners of the United States, at 6,000 warriors; other 
opinions state them at 4,500 or 5,000. 

Their principal towns or villages are on the head waters of the Pascagoula and Pearl rivers. They are mostly 
to the nortliward of tlie 31st degree of latitude; but some of them are to the southward of it, within the territoi^ 
of Spain. 

Both the Chickasaws and Choctaws are represented as candid, generous, brave, and honest, and understanding 
each other's language. 

The commissioners of the United States concluded a treaty with the Choctaws at Hopewell, on the 3d of 
January, 1786, and the same is entered on the journals of Congress, the I6th of April, 1786. 

By this treaty, the Choctaws acknowledged themselves to be under the protection of the United States, and of 
no other sovereign whosoever. And three tracts, or parcels of land, each of six miles square, for (he establishment 
of trading posts, are reserved to the use of the Government of the United States, at such places as they shall think 
proper. 

The distance of the Choctaws has also pre\ented, hitherto, those encroachments which have been complained of 
by the Cherokees. 

In the year 1787, thev sent Tobocah, one of their great medal chiefs, to Congress, principally in order to solicit 
the establishment of trade. 

All which is humbly submitted to the President of the United States. 

"•■'■' ■•• ■, _H. KNOX. '- 

War Offick, 7 th day of July, 1789. •■ • .• 

"■'■'■■ _ No. 1. ■•■ / ■ ■ ■ ' ■■■- ' , 

Seneca on Keowee, December SO, 1785. 

Sir: 

The commissioners have been mucii lunger executing the duties of the commissioUj than tliey at first had any 
idea of. As I informed you from Charleston, of the last of September, we were under the necessity of postponing 
the time of meeting, both at Galphinton and diis place, one month later than the original appointment, that the 
Indians might have full time, and that all delays be avoided. Accordingly, the commissioners, Mr. Perry excepted, 
met at Galphinton, the 24th and 28tii of October; and although we had had assurances that the chiefs of the Creek 
nation would meet us there, yet, from some cause, not clearly known, we were met only by the representatives of 
two towns who had been friendly to us. This disappointment was the more unexpected, as we knew a majority of 
the nation to be pleased witli our invitation, and very anxious of establisliing witli us a permanent peace; perhaps 1 
might attribute it to the intrigues of the neighboring Spanish officers, and to Alexander McGillivray, a half breed, 
of great abilities and consequential rank in his nation, and wiio has lately had permission to form connexions with, 
ana establish British commercial houses for tlie supply of the Indians. He is also an agent of Spain, with a salaiy 
of six hundred dollars per annum, paid monthly. 

We did not think proper to enter into a treaty with the heads of tiiese towns only, and after explaining to them 
the object of the Uniteil States, we dismissed them, with a few presents, as they had been friendly to us most of 
the late war. 

The commissioners of Georgia attended, and protested against every thing we had done, or should do, founded 
on our commission, "except in such cases only, as may, or shall lead to contiime principles of friendship, and to 
explain the great occurrences of the late war.*' And after we left Galphinton, the agents of that State entered into 
a treaty with the Indians then present, and obtained from them a cession of all the lands south of the Altamaha, aiid 
eastward of a line to be run southwest from the juncti in of the Oconee and Oakmuigee, until it shall strike St. 
Mary's, with a confirmation of the cession northeast of the Oconee in 1783. 

The 17th November we arrived here, and were met in a few days by nine hundred and eighteen Cherokees, with 
whom, on the 28th, we entered into a treaty. They were anxiously desirous of being under the protection of the 
United States, thereby to be secured in the possession of their hunting grounds from the avidity of land speculation. 
They had for stmie time past lost all confidence in promises made them by the neighboring States, as well as the 
citizens thereof They saw (heir situation with despondency, until they were informed of the humane and liberal 
views of Congress; aiul then, with joy and gladness, they embraced the protection we offered them, and I believe 
would have submitted their fate to (he decision of the United States without a negative. Colonel Williain Blount, 
as agent for North Carolina, is with us, and he has entered a protest against tiie treaty, and the commissioners of 
Georgia were present, and gave us a secoml protest, which, with the treaty, and all our proceedings thereon, I shall 
send forward as early as practicable. 

The 4(h instant, the commissioners agreed to adjourn, and report their proceedings; and Joseph Martin and 
Laughlin Mcintosh set out for their respective homes, leaving Mr. Pickens and myself-to discharge the Indians, to 
wind up every thing, and close the report. The ninth, we received advice from Captain Woods, that the chiefs of 
the Choctaws were on the way, and would be here in this month. Mr. Martin hearing of it, returned on the 27th; 
but Mr. Mcintosh was so far on his wav home, as to prevent his having advice in time, although I wrote for him 
immediately on the receipt of the information. The Choctaws arrived on the 26th, after a fatiguing journev of 
seventy-seven days, the whole of them almost naked. The Creeks ende^ivored all they could to prevent then- 
coming, by false infonnation, stealing of horses, &c.; but they have apparently a rooted aversion to the Spaniards 
and Creeks, and are determined to put themselves under the protection of the United States. This day, we shall 
commence our negotiations with them; we should have done it sooner, but the Chiefs told us they were so naked, 
they must first receive some clotiiing; and we yesterday gave to eighteen, coats in the uniform of the late army, 
with other necessaries to dress them, and we foresee that there are no difficulties to oppose; but that in a few days 
we shall finish our treaty with them. Some of the Chickasaws are here, and the representation from the nation 
expected to arrive every day; and the same spirit actuates them as the Choctaws, so that, in a few days, our negotia- 
tions will be complete, except with the Creeks, and all difficulties respecting them removed. 

On the article of expense, we have had our fears, and knowing the sum to which we were limited would be 
exhausted too soon, unless we contracted our original plan, we were under the necessity of dismissing our guard 
three weeks past, and do our business without one. This opportunity does not admit our writing farther. 
We are, with-due respect, sir, your most obedient servants, 

*^ BENJAMIN HAWKINS, 

. ANDREW PICKENS, 

The Honorable Charles Thomson, Esq. ■' • . - 

■" "" . " . ' No. 2 '. '■ 

„.:, , ■ Hopewell, 4th of January, 1786. 

Sir: : . . . 

The 28th of November, we had the honor to enclose your Excellency the treaty we entered into with the 
Cherokees, and all the papers respecting the same. At that period, we did not suppose we should be able to meet 
any other of the tribes this winter. A few days after, we received an express from Colonel John Woods, infonning 
us of the approach of the Choctaws, and they arrived here on the 26th. They had been on the path from the I6fh 



«^ 



50 INDIAN AFFAIRS. [1789. 

of October, and had experienced great difficulties from tlie badness of the way, the scarcity of clothing and provi- 
sions, and the frequent interruptions of the Creeks by stealing their horses, and we were, from motives of humanity, 
at their arrival, under the necessity of clothing the whole ol them, as the weather was very cold, and they were 
nearly naked, before we commenced our negotiations with the chiefs. The third instant, we concluded a treaty 
with them, which we enclose to your Excellency, with our journal and other papers respecting the same. 

The Indians seem to comprehend very well every article, and we have taken great pains to explain it to them, 
as well as the humane views of Congress towards all the tribes of Indians within the United States of America. 

We had some difficulty in finding out how we should ascertain the bounds of the lands allotted to the Choctaws, 
and could not fix them other than as in the tliird article; and knowing the avidity of land speculation would take 
any possible advantage, we fixed on the 29tii of November, 1782, the day before the signing of our preliminary 
articles with Great Britain, that being, as we conceived, the earliest period in our power. 

The Indians were well satisfied with the treaty, and with the treatment they met with, and expressed their 
gratitude for it. But we could perceive their strong hankering after presents could not be abated, by the prudent 
method we adopted of clothing tliem comfortably, or by our liberality in the treaty. They are the greatest beggars, 
and the most indolent creatures we ever saw, and yet honest, simple, and regardless of any situation of distress. 
Their passion for gambling and drinking is very great; we have had instances of their selling blankets at a pint of 
rum each, and gambling them away, when they had no prospect of replacing them, and knew they must return this 
winter five hundred mites to their nation with a shirt only. They were very little accustomed to travelling, arid we 
should not have had them here, had we not supplied them with provisions on the road. And that they may return 
without starving, through indolence, we were necessitated to pack up sqme proper goods, and put them tinder the 
care of the interpreter and the four chiefs, for the purpose of procuring provisions. 

The Spaniards were desirous of preventing them from meeting us; and Mr.McGillivray, by their order, took 
pains to stop them as they passed through the Creeks. But they were determined to go to Congress, rather than 
not form some connexion witli us. They have strong regard for the British, and an exalted idea of the military 
prowess of tiie United States; and they urge, that as the latter conquered the former, they are the fittest persons 
on earth for them to apply to for protection. 

The chiefs produced their medals and commissions, and were very desirous of exchanging for those under the 
United States. They were also desirous of having three stand of colors, for their upper and lower towns, and six 
villages, and an agent to superintend their business. Captain John Woods is recommended by two of their chiefs, 
and l\e is a man of some enterprise and ability, but mucn addicted to strong drink. He came in with the Indians, 
and has been at much trouble with them. 

We have appointed John Pitchlynn our interpreter of the Choctaw tongue. We have told him that we did not 
know whether Congress would annex any salary to such an appointment; he is a very honest, sober young man, and 
has lived twelve years in the nation, ancl is much respected by the chiefs as an interpreter. 
, y The presents we have given the Indians, and the goods for the purchase of provisions, amount to LJJl^ dollars. 
^ We have the honor to be, with sincere esteem, sir, your Excellency's most obedient humble servants, 

BENJAMIN HAWKINS, 
ANDREW PICKENS, 
JOS. MARTIN. 
His Excellency John Hancock, Esq. President of Congress. 

i 

No. 3. 

Hopewell, \Ath January, 1786. 
Sir: 

We have the honor to enclose to your Excellency, a treaty we entered into with the Chickasaws on the 10th 
instant. They had been as long on the path as the Choctaws; but coming through the Cherokees, were better sup- . 

Elied with provisions, and experienced less difficulties, except from the vdlanous practice of horse stealing, which 
as taken deep root among them as well as the Creeks. 
— We found no difficulty in our treaty with these Indians, who are the most honest and well informed, as well as 
the most orderly and best governed of any we have seen. The trading posts reserved to the use of the United 
States, are situated in the most convenient place within the whole of their lands. It is within sixty miles of their 
towns, and one hundred of the Choctaws' upper towns. The lands on the north side of the river are very fit for 
cultivation and for grazing. 

Through the whole of our negotiations, we have paid particular attention to the rights and interests ot the United 
States, as far as our abilities could comprehend them, regardless of the protests of uie adjoining Sta.tes against us. 
Finding, from tlie delays of the Indians, and tlie particular circumstances attending the negotiations, that our 
■jxpenses would exceed the sums we had provided for, and even the sum to wliich we were restricted by Congress, 
and without completing the object of our commission, we were necessitated to discharge our guard early in Decem- 
ber, and meet the Indians without them, and curtail every expense that could possibly be avoided; and yet, after 
all, they have exceeded our wishes. 

By this treaty, the boundaiy of tlie lands allotted to the respective tribes is closed on every side, from the south 
fork of Oconee, around northerly and westwardly; and we verily believe, that, if the adjoining States were disposed 
to carry the treaties into effect, the Indians would be happy in the new change of sovereignty, and in constant amity . 
with us. 

The Chickasaws will leave us to-morrow. We have given them presents amounting to six hundred and thirty- 
nine and three-fifths dollars, including some goods for the purchase of provisions. The Choctaws left us on the 12th. 
The commissioners of Georgia returned home after the treaty with the Cherokees. The agent of North Carolina 
continued with us, and we enclose his letter and protest. 

We have the honor to be, with sincere esteem, sir, your Excellency's most obedient humble servants, 

BENJAMIN HAWKINS, 
ANDREW PICKENS, 
JOS. MARTIN. 

No. 4. 

Hopewell, the 7th January, 1786. 

The Commissioners Plenipotentiary of the United States in Congress assernbled, appointed to treat with the 
Cherokees. and all other Indians southward of them, within the limits of the United States, assembled. Present: 
Benjamin Hawkins, Andrew Pickens, and Joseph Martin. From the State of North Carolina, William Blount, 
Esq. Agent, and James Colcj Interpreter. 

The comniissioners were informed that the leading chiefs of the Chickasaws, with their followers, had arrived, 
and were desirous of seeing the commissioners and entering upon their business as early as practicable. That they 
had been long on the path, and detained by the villany of the Cherokees, some of whom had stolen several of their 
horses. They were introduced, and expressed a most friendly disposition towards the United States, and an earnest 
desire of entering into a treaty of peace and protection with tneni. The commissioners, after explaining the object 
of their commission, informed the chiefs that they would, on Monday, or as early as would be convenient for them, 
enter upon the business. 



ir89.] THE CHICKASAWS, CHOCTAWS, AND OTHERS. 51 



_ • ,, „^, .■' '.. ■■"i ' - '' 9th of January. 

Present as on the 7th. ' ■ .... j y 

The leading chiefs attended at 10 o'clock, and, after some friendly conversation, the commissioners addressed 
the leading chiets as follow, viz: 

Leading Chiefs who represent the Chickasaws: We are the commissioners plenipotentiary from the United 
States, in Congress assembled, who sent an invitation to you, the leading chiefs, who represent the Chickasaws to 
meet us at this place, to give you peace, and to receive you into die favor and protection of the United States and 
to remove, as far as may be, all causes of future contention or quarrels. That you, your wives, and your children' may 
be happy, and feel and know the blessings of the new change of sovereignty over diis land which you and we 
inhabit. 

This humane and generous act of the United States will, no' doubt, be received by all the Chickasaws with 
joy and gladness, and held in grateful remembrance, particularly as it flows unsolicited from their justice their 
humanity, and their attention to the rights of human nature. ' 

On our own parts, we sincerely wisliyou to live as happily as we do ourselves, and to promote that happiness as 
far as in our power, regardless of any distinction of color, or of any differences in our customs or manners, or par- 
ticular situation; and as a proof of the sincerity^of our declarations, we propose to enter into articles of a treaty as 
equal as may be, conformable to what we now tell you. 

After this address, the chiefs were told, that, at some future period, the occurrences of the late Mar and the 
extent of territory within the United States, would be fully explained to them. To which Piomin-'o replied he 
wished to hear every thing intended to be communicated to him, prior to his talks. The whole was accordin^'ly 
explained, and, apparently, to their satisfaction and comprehension. The draught of the treaty was also explained 
with which they seemed to acquiesce most heartily. " ■ f ^ ■< 

The leading chiefs then, in turn, addressed the commissioners. 

PioMiNGo. — The period has arrived that I have visited you to see you, and to regulate every thing that respects 
us. These beads are our credentials of peace and friendship, and two of us have come to brin°^ the talks ot the 
nation. These white beads are of little value but in our nation, where they are kept even by ourclnldren, with vene- 
ration, as tokens of peace and fricndsliip. When I take you by the hands, the Jay will never come, that discord 
will break my hold. Although I may not be eloquent, yet 1 wish my talks to be as much esteemecl as if 1 was it 
being my sincere desire that what I say should be constiued most friendly. My talks are not long, and 1 hope when 
you see these beads, you will remember my friendship. — [Eight strands of beads.] ' 

MiNGATusHKA. — Tlic day is come when I have met you to talk with you, and I am well pleasedj r.iid now you 
shall hear what I have to say. 
i I have come to see you, and you aie not strangers to us; you are a white people I claim as our eldest and first 
.'brothers. These beacls in my hand are a token of friend>hip, and I hope friendly ideas will arise in your minds 
^ whenever you see them. My predecessor loved you while people in his time, and 1 mean to do the same. Our two 
• old leading men are dead, and we two come as their successors in business, with the same frieiully talks as they 
had, wliich were always friendly. Altiiough our old king and leading man is dead, we wish their friendly talks 
may live, and be remembered with you as with us, and for tiiat purpose we come to renew them. I iiope, when your 
children and our children grow up, they will remember the old peace and friendship of this day, and strictly adhere 
to it. \This is the day I have come to see you, and I have been informed of the peace of tlie United States of \me 
rica with all nations, and I am glad of it, and wish sincerely it may long continue. The substance of niy talks 
is done, and when we red people talk, we give beads as a proof of fruMidship, and I gi\ e these. My talks are short 
and true; wh(5n people are prolix, they somelimes are false. — [A siring of beads. ] 

PioMiNGO.— I now represent Satopoia. He is a particular man; when he gives his word or acquiescence, he 
never lets go, and this is his belt: he and I are related; our sentiments are the same; our talks are short, but' his 
token of friendship is great.— [A broad belt of wampum.] Our talks are done, our predecessors are dead, and we 
come and give in our talks; and now we will hear further from you. 

MixGATusHKA.— The great man of our nation who wore this medal I show you, is dead, and I am his nephew 
and a leader. On the death of this great man, he left a daughter, who took care of this nunlal, and she judged it was 
proper, wheii'I came, that I should bring it, that you might see it, and know such a thing belonged to our family 
and accordingly, she and her mother sent it. ^ ' 

PioMiNGo. — You see this now, (pointing to the medal) it was worn by our great man; he is dead; his daughter 
sent it for you to see it. I take place, as head leading warrior of tlie nation, to treat with all nations. '' 

Commissioners.— We are glad you remember with pleasure the virtues of your old and worthy predecessors- 
and \ve are pleased that the daughter of one of them has sent us this medal, with tiie reasons for so doin<'; in return' 
we will give you some present tor her. " ' 

As you are well pleased with the draught of our treaty, we shall prepare two copies thereof, to be signed to-mor- 
row, the one for you, and the other tor the Congress. 

When the first article was read, the chief Piomingo said he had no prisoners of ours in his nation, or property 
of any kind. To the reservation in the third article, he at first seemed much opposed, but, on being assured by the 
commissioners, that they were not desirous of getting his land, and that all that would be necessary for the United 
States, as a trading post, would be five or six miles square, he readily acquiesced, and marked the article in the 
map, describin;^ its diameter to be five miles, and remarked, at the same time, that the lands on the north of the 
river were fine for cultivation and grazing, and he would have no objection to our using what we mHit think proper 
for the conveniency of traders. o i h 

„ , , iOth of Jamiarij. 

Present as yesterday. 

The commissioners produced two copies of the draught asreed on, and a map of the lands in question, partly 
drawn by themselves, and partly by the Indians, and, instead of agreeing to the line between the respective tribes 
they dotted only with black ink, which the chief observed, and said he wished Congress would point out his lands 
to him; he wanted to know his own. The line was then extended, as in the third article, and the commissioners 
told the chiefs that they must agree with the neighboring tribes respecting their boundary, and that then Congress 
would send a white man to be present with the Indians, and see them mark it. 
' The treaty was then read over again, and every article explained with great attention, and the Indians acquiesced 
with them; and, at the close, the commissioners asked if they comprehended the whole, and were willing to sign* 
diey answered yes, and that it was all straight, meaning it was proper and satisfactory to them. It was then 
signed; but, previous thereto, the agent of North Carolina delivered a letter to the commissioners, referring them 
to his former letters to them, respecting the constitutional claims of North Carolina, to all the lands witlnn the 
bounds describetl in their bill of rights. He also gave in his protest against the treaty. 

The commissioners informed the chiefs, that, on to-morrow, in pursuance of the humane and liberal views of 
Congress, they would make them some presents for their use and comfort. 

n , . , nth of January. 

rresent as yesterday. 

. It being very wet and rainy, the chiefs postponed receiving the presents till to-morrcm'. In the evening, the 

principal warrior, Piomingo, visited the commissioners, and addressed them as follows, viz: "I am now going to 

inform you of the situation of the white people in our land. There are a great many of them who have numerous 

stocks of cattle and horses, and they are not traders, or of any advantage to us; and, when a white man comes, 

they, without our permission, or even asking of it, build a house for him, and settle him among us. I do not wish 



C5> INDIAN AFFAIRS. [1789. 



to be cross to them, or do them any injury; and I desire they may go in peace with their stocks to their own ands, 

s"ich people as the;, areofnousetous; on the contrary, very injurious. If hey were traders, I should be pleased 

at their being with us. They are not those in our towns only, who have stocks, but some are settled out thirty or 

forty miles who keep cattle and horses; and, if an Indian horse or colt should get among their stocks, they brand 

him; and c aim him, to the injury of the owner. , Some pedlars come, also, to us who are a pest as they steal 

■ more than they purchase of our horses. If we had merchant traders, who would set down with us and trade properly, 

^ I should be pleased ^vith it; such men would be a valuable acquisition to us, as hey woud supply us our necessary 

i . wants, in exchange for our property. Yo«, the commissioners, have told me that we sliall be properly supplied with 

Tods, and I depend on their promise; such men as come properly to trade with us, will be very welcome and anv 

\ liing we have is at their service. But the class of settlers we now have are a pest, and I wish they would go with 

their property to their own lands, and enjoy it.". 

Commissioners.— Your remarks are very proper, and we have in an article of the treaty, provided against a 
repetition of the abuse, and you will have the right to punish these, if you think proper. We shall send the treaty, 
an^ all our talks witii you, to Congress, and they will issue a proclamation, warning the white people of their danger, 
and this will be by some person, communicated to the chiefs of all tlie Southern tnbes. When you return, you 
may, by our interpreter, communicate the article of the treaty respecting these people, that they may see their 

«'t»a'^'<^"- / ;,. mh of January.- 

Present as yesterday.— Piomingo addressed the commissioners as follows: 

The people I complained of last night, I imagine will not pay attention to what I say respecting their removal; 
and I wish tliat Colonel Martin would come and see them removed. My talk is a short one. I am only desirous 
that Colonel Martin may come and adjust every thing between the red people and white people. 

The Chickasaw ciiiefs had also informed the commissioners that, on tiie way hither, they saw two companies of 
Creeks "oin^ to Cumberland to plunder the citizens, and, very probably, to get some scalps. That Piomingo repre- 
sented to them the injustice of the act, as well as their folly, and expressly told tliem that the white people on Cum- 
' berland and their property were equally dear to him with his own; and that, although the Creeks were numerous, 
1 compared \vith the Chickasaws, yet, if tliey continued to rob and plunder on his lands, his own, or the hunters and 
traders of the white people, he would take such steps as would be proper. . , ,. 

The commissioners then distributed presents among the chiefs and Indians, amounting, includnig the goods to 

purchase provisions, to dollars. They were perfectly satisfied with the presents, and the treatment they 

met and expressed their gratitude for it, and prepared to set out to their own nation. In the evening the Cherokees 
gave the chief a proof of their ingenuity in robbing of packs as well as stealing horses. Two of them robbed the 
chief of all his presents, and the goods given to purchase provisions, and within sight of the Chickasaws. The com- 
missioners issued a proclamation, ottering a reward for the goods and the robbers, and sent runners to the neighboring 
towns to proclaim the same, as well as to call on the chiefs to interpose immediately, and apprehend the robbers, 
and send them to Hopewell to be punished. 

15th January. 

The chief of Chetugoh, with three young men, brought the goods, and informed the commissioners that they had 
pursued the robbers, and' endeavored to apprehend them, but could not. They came up with them, and fired at 

The commissioners paid the reward, and told the chief that they had done very properly, and that, in future, he 
should be noticed for his attention to this order, and prompt execution of it. 



Gen. Knox, Secretary of War, to the President of the United States, in continuation. 

The report of the 23d of May, 1789, on the treaties at fort Hannar, by the Governor of the Western Terri- 
tory and the paper Number 1, of the Indian Department, contain such a general statement of the circumstances 
relative to the Indian tribes, within tlie limits of the United States, northwest of the Ohio, as will probably render 
their situation sufficiently understood. ,1 r.i ni- 

The numbers two, three, and four, comprehend a general view of tlie nations soutli of the Ohio. 

But the critical situation of affairs between the State of Georgia and the Creek nation, requires a more particular 
consideration. In discussing this subject, it will appear that the interest of all the Indian nations south of theOhio, 
as far as the same may relate to the whites, is so blended together as to render tiie circumstance highly probable, 
that,incaseofawar, they may make it one common cause. ., ^ ,^, , ^, ^ r .• ^ r 

Although each nation or tribe may have latent causes of liatred to each other, on account of disputes of 
boundaries^ and game, yet when they sliail be impressed witii the idea that their lives and lands are at hazard, all 
inferior disputes^vill be accommodated, and an union as firm as the six Northern nations may be formed by the 

Their situation, entirely surrounded on all sides, leads naturally to such an union, and the present difficulties of 
the Creeks and Cherokees may accelerate and complete it. Already the Cherokees have taken refuge from the 
violence of the frontier people of North Carolina within the limits of the Creeks, and it may not be difficult for a 
man of Mr McGillivray's abilities to convince the Choctavvs and Chickasaws that their remote situation is their 
only present protection; that the time must shortly arrive when their troubles will commence. 

In addition to these causes, impelling to a general confederacy, there is another, of considerable importance — the 
policy of tiie Spaniards. The jealousy that Power entertains of the extension of the United States, would lead them 
into considerable expense to build up, if possible, an impassable barrier. They will, therefore, endeavor to form 
and cement such an union of the Southern Indians. ^ ^ ^ . ^ ^u n i • ^u • i .• , ai 

Mr. McGillivray has stated that Spain is bound by treaty to protect the Creeks in their hunting grounds. Al- 
though it may be prudent to doubt this assertion for the present, yet it is certain that Spain actually claims a consi- 
derable part of the territory ceded by Great Britain to the United States. , , , . , ^ , 

These circumstances require due weight in deliberating oji the measures to be adopted respecting the Creeks. 

Although the case of the Creeks will be a subject of legislative discussion and decision, it may be supposed that, 
after due consideration, they will, in substance, adopt one or the other of the following alternatives, to wit: 

1. That the national dignity and justice require that the arms of the Union should be called forth in order to 
chastise the Creek nation of Indians, for refusing to treat with the United States on reasonable terms, aad for their 
hostile invasion of the State of Georgia; or, ,^ . , ^ ^ , . ,,,,,■,, 

2. That it appears to tlie Congress of the United States that it would be highly expedient to attempt to quiet 
the ho-til.ties between the State of Georgia and the Creek nation of Indians, by an amicable negotiation, and for 
that pur'>a«e there be a bill brought in to authorize the President of the United States to appoint thlee commissioners 
to repair' to the State of Georgia, in order to conclude a peace with the said Creek nation and other nations of Indians 
to the southward of the Ohio,' within the limits of the United States. 

Supposing that any measure similar to either of the said alternatives should be adopted, it may be proper to 
examineintotheinanner which they are to be executed. ■„ rxu tt •. , ox x jx i 

The most effectual mode of reducing the Creeks to submit to the will of the United States, and to acknowledge 
the validity of the treaties stated to have been made by that nation with Georgia, would be by an adequate ainny, 
to be raised and continued until the ofyects of the war should be accomplished. 

When the force of the Creeks is estimated, and the probable combinations they might make with the other Indian 
nations, the army ought not to be calculated at less than 5,000 men. This number, on paper, would not, probably, 



1789.] THE CHICKASAWS, CHOCTAWS, AND OTHERS. 53 

afford, at the best, more than 3.500 effectives. The delays and contingencies inseparable from the preparations and 
operations of an army, would probably render its duration necessary for the term of two years. An operating army 
of the above description, including all expenses, could not be calculated at less than one million five hundred thou- 
sand dollars annually. 

A less army than the one herein proposed, would probably be utterly inadequate to the object, an useless 
expense, and disgraceful to the nation. 

In case the second alternative should be agreed upon, the negotiation should be conducted by three commission- 
ers, with an adequate compensation for the trouble of the business, as an inducement for proper persons to accept 
the trust. 

The commissioners should be invested with full powers to decide all differences respecting boundaries, between 
the State of Georgia and the Creek Indians, unconstrained by treaties said to exist between the said parties, other- 
wise tiian the same may be reciprocally acknowledged. 

The commissioners also should be invested with powers to examine into the case of the Cherokees, and to renew 
with them the treaty made at Hopewell in November 1785, and report to the President such measures as shall be 
necessary to protect the said Cherokees in their former boundaries. 

But all treaties with the Indian nations, however equal and just they may be in their principles, will not only 
be nugatory but humiliating to the sovereign, unless they shall be guarantied by a body of troops. 

The angry passions of the frontier Indians and whites, are too easily inflamed by reciprocal injuries, and are too 
violent to be controlled by the feeble authority of the civil power. 

There can be neither justice or observance of treaties, where every man claims to be the sole judge in his own 
cause, and the avenger of h's own supposed wrongs. 

In such a case, the sword of the republic only, is adequate to guard a due administration of justice, and the pre- 
servation of the peace. 

In case, therefore, of the commissioners concluding a treaty, the boundaries between the whites and Indians must 
be protected by a body of at least five hundred troops. 

The post which they should occupy should be without the limits or jurisdiction of any individual State, and 
within the territory assigned to the Indians, for which particular provision should be made in the treaties. 

All offences committed by individuals, contrary to the treaties, should be tried by a court martial, agreeably to a 
law to be made for that purpose. 

By this arrangement, tiie operation of which will soon be understood, the Indians would be convinced of the jus- 
tice and good intentions of the United States, and they would soon learn to venerate and obey that power from 
■whom they derived security against the avarice and injustice of lawless frontier people. 

Hence it will appear, that troops will be necessary in either alternative — an army in case of an adoption of the 
first; and, after all the success that could reasonably be expected, by means thereof, a corps to be continued and 
stationed on the frontiers, of five hundred men. In ca»e of the adoption of the second, the corps of five hundred only 
will be wanted, provided proper treaties can be effected. 

But, in any event of troops, the subject must necessarily be considered and determined by Congress. 
The disgraceful violation of the treaty of Hopewell, with the Cherokees, requires the serious consideration of 
Congress. If so direct and manifest contempt of the authority of the United States be suft'ered with impunity, it 
will be in vain to attempt to extend the arm of Government to the frontiers. The Indian tribes can have no faith in 
such imbecile promises, and the lawless wlutes will ridicule a government which shall, on paper only, make Indian 
treaties, and regulate Indian boundaries. 

The policy of extending trade, under certain regulations, to the Choctaws and Chickasaws, under the protection 
of military posts, will also be a subject of Legislative deliberation. 

The following observations, resulting from a general view of the Indian department, are suggested with the hope, 
that some of them might be considered as proper principles to be interwoven in a general system, for the government 
of Indian affairs. 

It would reflect honor on the new Government, and be attended with happy effects, were a declarative law to be 
passed, that the Indian tribes possess the right of the soil of all lands within their limits, respectively, and that they 
are not to be divested thereof, but in ccmsequencc of fair and bona fide purchases, made under the authority, or 
with the express approbation, of the United States. 

As the great source of all Indian wars arc disputes about their boundaries, and as the United States are, from the 
nature of the government, liable to be involved in evei^ war that shall happen on this or any other account, it is 
highly proper that their authority and consent should be considered as essentially necessary to all measures for the 
consequences of which they are responsible. 

No individual State could, with propriety, complain of invasion of its territorial rights. The independent nations 
and tribes of Indians ought to be considered as foreign nations, not as the subjects ot any particular State. Each 
individualState, indeed, will retain the right of pre-emption of all lands within its limits, which will not be abridged; 
but the general sovereignty nmst possess the right ot making all treaties, on the execution or violation of which 
depend peace or war. 

Whatever may have been the conduct of some of the late British colonies, in their separate capacities toward the 
Indians, yet the same cannot be charged against the national character of the United States. 

It is only since they possess the powers of sovereignty, that they are responsible for their conduct. 
But. in future, the obligations of policy, humanity, and justice, together vyith that respect which every nation 
sacredly owes to its own reputation, unite in requiring a noble, liberal, and disinterested administration of Indian 
affairs. 

Altliough the disposition of the people of the States, to emigrate into the Indian country, cannot be effectually 
prevented, it may be restrained and regulated. 

It may be restrained, by postponing new purchases of Indian territory, and by prohibiting the citizens from 
intruding on the Indian lands. 

It may be regulated, by forming colonies, under the direction of Government, and by posting a body of troops to 
execute their orders. 

As population shall increase, and approach the Indian boundaries, game will be diminished, and new purchases 

may be made for small considerations. This has been, and probably will oe, the inevitable consequence of cultivaticm. 

It is, however, painful to consider, that all the Indian tribes, once existing in those States now the best cultivated 

and most populous, have become extinct. If the same causes continucj the same effects will happen; and, in a short 

period, the idea of an Indian on this side the Mississippi will only be lound in the page of the historian. 

How different would be the sensation of a philosopnic mind to reflect, that, instead of exterminating a part of the 
human race by our modes of population, we had persevered, through all difiiculties, and at last had imparted 
our knowledge of cultivation and the arts to the aboriginals of the country, by which the source of future life and 
happiness had been preserved and extended. But it has been conceived to be impracticable to civilize the Indians 
of North America. This opinion is probably more convenient than just. 

That the civilization of the Indians would be an operation ot complicated difficulty; that it would require the 
highest knowledge of the human character, and a steady perseverance m a wise system for a series of years, cannot 
be doubted. But to deny that, under a course of favorable circumstances, it could not be accomplished, is to sup- 
pose the human character under the influence of such stubborn habits as to be incapable of melioration or change — a 
supposition entirely contradicted by the progress of society, from the barbarous ages to its present degree of perfection. 
vVhile it is contended that the object is practicable, under a proper system, it is admitted, in the fullest force, to 
be impracticable, according to the ordinary course of things, ami that it could not be effected in a short period. 

Were it possible to introduce among the Indian tribes a love for exclusive property, it would be a nappy com- 
mencement of the business. 

8 • ^ V- 



54 INDIAN AFFAIRS. [1789, 



This might be brought about by making presents, from time to time, to the chiefs or their wives, of sheep and 
other domestic animals; and it, in the first instance, persons were appointed to take charge, and teach the use of them, 
a considerable part ot the difficulty would be surmounted. 

In the administration of the Indians, every proper expedient that can be devised to gain their affections, and attach 
them to the interest of the Union, should be adopted. The British Government had the practice of making the 
Indians presents of silver medals and gorgets, uniform clothing, and a sort of military commission. The possessors 
retained an exclusive property to these articles; and the Southern Indians are exceedingly desirous of^ receiving 
similar gifts from the United States, for which they would willingly resign those received from the British officers. 
The policy of gratifying them cannot be doubtctl. 

Missionaries, of excellent moral character, should be appointed to reside in their nation, who should be well sup- 
plied with all the implements of husbandry, and the necessary stock for a farm. 

These men should be made the instruments to work on the Indians; presents should commonly pass through their 
hands, or by their recommendations. They should, in no degree, be concerned in trade, or the purchase of lands, 
to rouse the jealousy of the Indians. They should be their friends and fathers. 

Such a plan, although it might not fully effect the civilization of the Indians, would most probably be attended 
with the salutary effect of attaching them to the interest of the United States. 

It is particularly important that something of this nature should be attempted with the Southern nations of Indians, 
M'hose confined situation might render them proper subjects for the experiment. 

The expense of such a conciliatory system may be considered as a sufficient reason for rejecting it; 

But, when this shall be compared with a system of coercion, it would be found the highest economy to adopt it. 

The commanding officers of the troops on the frontiers of the Southern and Northern districts, as they possess the 
sword, should be the Indian agents, and for which they should have a consideration. 

Every article given to the Indians should be accounted for, and witnessed by two commissioned officers. 

The commanding officer should not receive any presents from the Indians, but, in every respect, conduct towards 
them in the most friendly and just manner. 

All which is humbly submitted to the President of the United States. H. KNOX. 

War Office, ,/w/?/ 7, 1789. , 



1st Congress.] " ' ■ ' ' AJq^ 3_ [1st Session. 



THE SIX NATIONS, THE WYANDOTS, AND OTHERS. 

COMMUNICATED TO THE SENATE AUGUST 12, 1789. 

The committee to whom was referred the message of the President of the United States, of the 25th of May, 1789, 
with the Indian treaties, and papers accompanying the same, report: 

That the Governor of the Western territory, on the 9th day of January, 1789, at fort Harmar, entered into 
two treaties; one with the sachems and warriors of the Six Nations, the Mohawks excepted, the other with the 
sachems and warriors of the Wyandot, Delaware, Ottawa, Chippewa, Pattawatima, and Sac Nations; that those 
treaties were made in pursuance of the powers and instructions heretofore given to the said Governor by the late 
Congress, and are a confirmation of the treaties of fort Stanvvix, in October, 1784, and of fort Mcintosh, in January, 
1785, and contain a more formal and regular conveyance to the United States, of the Indian claims to the lands 
yielded to these States by the said treaties of 1784 and 1785. 

Your committee, therefore, submit the following resolution, to wit: 

That the treaties concluded at fort Harmar, on the 9th day of January, 1789, between Arthur St Clair, Esq. 
Governor of the Western territory, on the part of the United States, and the sachems and warriors of the Six 
Nations, (the Mohawks excepted) and the sachems and warriors of the Wyandot, Delaware, Ottawa, Chippewa, 
Pattawatima, and Sac Nations, be accepted, and that the President of the United States be advised to execute and 
enjoin an observance of the same. 



1st Congress.] J^O^ 4 ' [1st Session. 



THE SOUTHERN TRIBES. 

COMMUNICATED TO THE SENATE AUGUST 22, 1789. 

The President of the United States came into the Senate Chamber, attended by General Knox, and laid be- 
fore the Senate the following statement of facts, with the questions thereto annexed, for their advice and con- 
sent: 

To conciliate the powerful tribes of Indians in the Southern district, amounting probably to fourteen thousand 
fighting men, and to attach them firmly to the United States, may be regarded as highly worthy of the serious atten- 
tion of Government. 

The measure includes, not only peace and security to the whole southern frontier, but is calculated to form a 
barrier against the colonies of an European Power, which, in the mutations of policy, may one day become the ene- 
my of the United States. The fate of the Southern States, therefore, or the neighboring colonies, may principally 
depend on the present measures of the Union towards the Southern Indians. 

By the papers which have been laid before the Senate, it will appear, that, in the latter end of the year 1 785, and 
the beginning of 1786, treaties were formed by the United States with the Cherokees, the Chickasaws, and Choctaws. 
The report of the commissioners will show the reasons why a treaty was not formed at the same time with the 
Creeks. 

It will also appear by the papers, that the States of North Carolina and Georgia protested against said treaties, 
as infringing their legislative rights, and being contrary to the confederation. It will further appear by the said 
papers, tnat the treaty with the Cherokees has been entirely violated by the disorderly white people on the frontiers 
of North Carolina. 



1789.] THE SOUTHERN TRIBES. 55 



The opinion of the late Congress respecting the said violation, will sufficiently appear by the proclamation which 
they caused to be issued on the first of September, 1788. 

By the public newspapers it appears, that, on the 16th of June last, a truce was concluded with the Cherokees, 
by Mr. John Steele, on behalf of the State of North Carolina, in which it was stipulated that a treaty should be held 
as soon as possible, and that, in the mean time, all hostilities should cease on either side. 

As the Cherokees reside principally within the territory claimed by North Carolina, and as that State is not a 
member of the present Union, it may be doubted whether any efficient measures in favor of the Cherokees could be 
immediately adopted by the General Government. 

The commissioners tor negotiating with the Southern Indians may be instructed to transmit a message to the 
Cherokees, stating to them, as far as may be proper, the difficulties arising from the local claims of North Carolina, 
and to assure them that the United States are not unmindfiil of the treaty at Hopewell; and as soon as the difficulties 
which are at present opposed to the measure, shall be removed, the Government will do full justice to the Cherokees. 

The distance of the Choctaws and Chickasaws from the frontier settlements, seem to have prevented these tribes * 
from being involved in similar difficulties with the Cherokees. 

The commissioners may be inslriicted to transmit messages to the said tribes, containing assurances of the con- 
tinuance of the friendship of the United States, and that measures will soon be taken for extending a trade to them 
agreeably to the treaties of Hopewell. 

The commissioners may also be directed to' report a plan for tbe execution of the said treaties respecting trade. 

But the case of the Creek nation is of the highest importance, and requires an immediate decision. The cause 

of the hostilities between Georgia and the Creeks, is stated to be a ditter.Mce in judgment concernitig three treaties 

made between the said parties, to wit; at Augusta, in 1783; at GalphintJii, in 1785; and at Shoulderbone, in 1786. 

The State of Georgia assert, and the Creeks deny, the validity of the said treaties. 

Hence arises the indispensable necessity of having all the circumstances respecting the said treaties critically in-' 
vestigated by commissioners of the United States, so that the further measures of Government may be formed on 
a full knowledge of the case. 

In order that the investigation be conducted with the highest impartiality, it will be proper, in addition to the 
evidence of the documents in the public possession, tliat Georgia should be represented at this part of the proposed 
treaty with the Creek nation. 

It is, however, to be observed, in any issue of the inquiry, that it would be highly embarrassing to Georgia to re- 
linquish that part of the lands, stated to have been ceded by tiie Creeks, lying between the Ogeeche ancf Oconee 
rivers, that State having surveyed and divided the same among certain descriptions of its citizens, who settled and 
planted thereon until dispossessed by the Indians. 

In case, therefore, the issue of the investigation should be unfavorable to the claims of Georgia, the commission- 
ers should be instructed to use their best endeavors to negotiate with the Creeks a solemn conveyance of the said 
lands to Georgia. 

By the report of the commissioners, who were appointed, under certain acts of the late Congress, by South Ca- 
rolina and Georgia, it apneais that they have agreed to meet the Creeks on the 15th of September ensuing. As it is 
with great difficulty the Indians are collected together at certain seasons of the year, it is important that the above 
occasion should be embraced, if piissible, on the part of the present Government, to form a treaty with the Creeks. 
As the proposed treaty is of great importance to the future tranquillity of the State of Georgia, as well as of the 
United States, it has been thought proper that it slioiild be conducted, on the part of the General Government, by 
commissioners whose local situations inav free them liom the imputation of prejudice on this subject. 

As it is necessary that certain principles should be fixed previously to forming instructions for the commissioners, 
the following questions, arising out of the foregoing communications, are stated by the President of the United 
States, and the advice of the Senate requested thereon: 

1st. In the present state of affiiirs between North Carolina and the United States, will it be proper to take any 
other measures for redressing the injuries of the Cherokees, than the one herein suggested.^ 

2d. Shall the commissioners be instructed to pursue any other measures respecting the Chickasaws and Choc- 
taws than those herein suggested? 

3d. If the commissioners shall adjudge that the Creek nation was fully represented at the three treaties with 
Georgia, and that the cessions of land were obtained with the full understanding and free consent of the acknow- 
ledged proprietors, and that the said treaties ought to be considered as just and equit-able: in this case shall the Com- 
missioners be instructed to insist on a formal renewal and confirmation thereof? And. in case of a refusal, shall 
they be instructed to inform the Creeks that the arms of tlie Union shall be employed to compel them to acknow- 
ledge the justice of the said cessions? 

4th. But, if the commissioners shall adjudge that the said treaties were formed with an inadequate, or unautho- 
rized representation of the Creek nation; or that the treaties «ere held under circumstances of constraint or un- 
fairness of any sort, so that the United States could tK)t, with justice and dignity, request, or urge, a confirmation 
thereof: in this case, shall the Conmissioners, considering the importance of the Oconee lands to Georgia, be instruct- 
ed to use their highest exertions to obtain a cession of said lands? If so, shall the Commissioners be instructed if 
they cannot obtain the said cessions on better terms, to offer for the same, and for the further great object of attach- 
ing the Creeks to the Governmetit o( the United States, the followiii<; conditions: 

1st. A compensation in money or goods to the aniiiunt of dollars, the said amount to be stipulated to be '' 

paid by Georgia, at the period which shall be fixed, or in (ailure thereof, by the United States. 

2d. A secure port on the Altamaha, or St. Mary's rivers, or at any other place between the same, as may be 
mutually agreed to by the commissioners and the Creeks. 

3d. Certain pecuniary considerations to some, and honorary military distinctions to other influential chiefs on 
their taking oaths of allegiance to the United States. ' 

4th. A solemn guarantee, by the United States, to the Creeks, of their remaining territory, and to maintain the • ' 
same, if necessary, by a line of military posts. 

5th. But, if all otters should fail to induce the Creeks to make the desired cessions to Georgia, shall the commis- 
sioners make it an ultimatum? 

6th. If the said cessions shall not be made an ultimatum, shall the commissioners proceed and make a treaty 
and include the disputed lands within the limits which shall be assigned to the Creeks? If not, shall a temporary 
boundary be marked, making the Oconee the line, and the other parts of the treaty be concluded.^ 

In this case, shall a secure port be stipulated, and the pecuniary and honorary considerations granted? 
In other general objects, shall the treaties formed at Hopewell, with the Cherokees, Chickasaws, and Choctaws 
be the basis of a treaty with the Creeks? ' 

7th. Shall the sum of twenty thousand dollars, appropriated to Indian expenses and treaties, be wholly applied 
if necessary, to a treaty with the Creeks? If not, what proportion? ' 



„ Richmond, Jiugust 5th, 1789. 

Sir: 

Two chiefs of the Cherokee nation of Indians airived here a few days ago, accompanied by Mr. Bennet 
Ballew, who has full powers from a number of towns, to lay before you their grievances, and to make some pro- 
posals, which may eventually preseiTe harmony between the citizens of the United States and the Indians, and 
perhaps be productive of considerable advantages to both parties. It is at the particular request of these unfortunate 
people, that I introduce them to you. They appear to me to have been much oppressed; should you view them in 
this light, your well known regard to public, as well as private justice, will ensure to them every exertion of your 



56 ' INDIAN AFFAIRS. [1789. 



man. 



power in their behalf. I am unacquainted with Mr. Ballew, but I think I owe it to him to inform you, that he is 

^tronMy recommended to me by the honorable William Fleming, as an honest, upright, intelligent 

I have the honor to be, with the highest respect, 

Your obedient servant, 

BEVERLY RANDOLPH. 
To the President of the United States. 

To the President of the United Slates of America. 

The memorial of Bennet Ballew, agent plenipotentiary from the chiefs and head warriors of the Cherokee nation, 
resident and living in the towns of Chotii, Toquoh, Cotties, Little Telliquo, Timotly, Nioh or the Tassel's town, 
Coettee, Chilhowah, Tallassee, Big Tilliquo, Big Highwassa, Cheestowa, Eastanolee, Chatanuga, Chickamaugah, 
Stickoee, Ottilletaraconohali, Cafatogah, Nicogachee, Tuskeegah, and Cheesoheeha, lying on and being on the 
great rivers Tenasee, Telliquo, Highwassa, Ammoah, &c. respectfully sheweth: 

That your memorialist, sensible of your past exertions, and pleased with the thoughts of your continued efforts, 
for the welfare and happiness of tlie United States in particular, and of mankind in general, and that nothing which 
concerns them will be thought beneath your attention; your memorialist is encouraged to lay before you a brief 
account of the present unhappy and distressed situation of the Cherokee Indians, notwithstanding his want of 
abilities to do justice to a cause of such difficulty and importance. From his long residence among them, and other 
Indian nations, on the southwestern frontiers of tlie United States, he hadi in some measure become acquainted 
with their language, manners, and politics; and more particulariy, with their hardships and sufferings, from the 
tarighteous and cruel war lately waged against them. Your memorialist, being importuned by the distressed chiefs 
of the nation, to lay their grievances before the beloved President of the United States, and solicit redress, being 
deeply impressed with compassion for their sufferings, and impelled by the apparent advantages that must accrue to 
the United States, should a firm and lasting peace and union be effected, he was, from these considerations, induced 
to undertake the arduous though pleasing task, relying chiefly on the providential influence of the Supreme Ruler of 
the Universe; on the justice and energy of the Federal Government; and on the magnanimity and benevolence of its 
first magistrate, for success in his feeble, though earnest endeavors, to rescue a nation from the deepest imaginable 
distress, and to make them a prosperous and a happy people. 

They thought that they had a well grounded hope, that they might quietly and peaceably have enjoyed all their 
/ lands within the boundary lines established by the treaty of Hopewell, in the year 1785; but, to their great morti- 
fication and distress, the white people, chiefly from North Carolina, have made daily encroachments upon them: 
and there are now upwards of three thousand families settled within those bounilary lines. After receiving reiterated 
i insults and injuries from some of those settlers, a few of the young warriors killed a family of white people within 
\ those boundaries, and soon after, the nation in general experienced tlie most dreadful calamities that refined cruelty 
■ could devise, or the vindictive arm of vengeance inflict. Their flourishing fields of corn and pulse were destroyed 
and laid Avaste; some of their wives and children were burnt alive in their town houses, with the most unrelenting 
barbarity; and to fill up the measure of deception and cruelty, some of their chiefs, who were ever disposed to peace 
with the white people, were decoyed, unarmed, into their camp, by the hoisting a white flag, and by repeated decla- 
rations of friendship and kindness, and there massacred in cold blood. Among these, were the old Tassel and his 
son, who were characterised by their kind offices to the white people, and veneration for the American flag, inso- 
much that, for many years, it was constantly flying at their door. 

When your memorialist came to French Broad river, in January last, he found that part of the countrv in great 
confusion, and the war carried on with all its horrors, between a party of the North Carolinians and the Cherokees; 
the former, as it would appear, were determined to extirpate the Indians, and to claim the sole property in their 
lands. Many prisoners being taken on both sides, and an exchange being earnestly wished for by the Carolinians 
i concerned, they chose your memorialist, as a neutral person, and one who was formerly acquainted with that nation, 
\j (having lived long among them as a prisoner, during part of our war with the British) to bi-ing about the exchange. 
Your memorialist cheerfully undertook, and happily effected it, although strongly opposed by Messrs. Dromgoole 
and Martin, of North Carolina, whose scheme was apparently to draw the Indians into a treaty, with a view to 
extort their lands from them, though expressly contrary to a proclamation of Congress. 

The Carolinians, to give a color to the war, allege that the Cherokees broke the treaty of Hopewell, in 1785; 
but this the Cherokees positively deny, and declare tiiat their intention, even since that time, has uniformly been 
to preserve peace and a good understanding with the white people; and which they earnestly wish.to have once 
more restored: and after engaging your memorialist to assist them with his best endeavors, as far as is consistent 
with his, duty as a citizen ot the tJnited States, they in a grand council of the nation, after long and mature delibe- 
ration, came to the following resolutions: 

" 1st. That we will immediately treat with all nations with whom we are at war, and procure peace and recon- 
ciliation, if possible." Which has been iiappily effected. 

" 2d. That we will petition Congress to obtain a mutual, perfect, and strict alliance with the United States, and 
abide by their instructions in all matters of peace and war, provided they secure to us the lands of our forefathers, 
as bounded by the treaty of Hopewell, in the year 1785. 

"3d. That the part of the nation lying adjacent to the French Broad and Holston rivers, be incorporated with 
the white people, and become subjects of the United States, living under the same laws with them." 

These resolves, the Cherokee nation most ardently wish may be, by your memorialist, (accompanied by two of 
their cliiefs, Nontowakee and Kasohanse) laid before you sir, as chief Magistrate of the United States, and through 
you, communicated to tlie Congress; as some acts of the Legislature may perhaps be necessary to carry their system 
mto full effect, and complete their wishes. 

If your memorialist can be, but in a small degi-ee, instrumental in obtaining for those unfortunate people, and 
their posterity, the inestimable blessings of peace, liberty, and safety, he will feel himself one of the happiest of 

•"'^"''•'"*" ■ BENNET BALLEW. 

New York, 22rf August, 1789. 



We, the warriors, chiefs, and representatives, of the Cherokee nation, resident and living in the following towns 
of Chota, Toquoh, Cettico, Little Telliquo, Timotly, Nioh or the Tassel's town, Coettee, Chilhowah, Tallassee, 
Great Telliquo, Big Highwassa, Cheestowa, Eastanora, Chatanugah, Chickamaugah, Stickhoe, Ottilletaraconahah, 
Catatogah, Nicogachee, Tuskeegah, and Cheesoheeha, our said towns, lying and being on the great nvers of Tenasee, 
Telliquo, Highwassa, Ammoah, &c. 

We, the said warriors, representatives, and chiefs, being met at our ancient and beloved town of Chota on Tena- 
see, at our councd fire, having considered the nature and circumstance of our country and nation, are sorry to inform 
our elder brother. General Washington, and the great council of the United States, that, from the bad conduct of 
some of our young and inconsiderate men, too much encouraged by bad white men, who too often frequent our nation 
under pretensions of doing us good service, and keeping peace between us and our elder brothers, the Americans, 
have darkened our land with war, and stained our white chain of friendship with blood; but to our great joy the 
Great Spirit above has removed the cloud, and permits the sun to shine again in friendship upon each party, though 
the darkness has lasted so long that our country and towns have been spoded, ourselves become naked, and suffer 
much with hunger. 



1789.] THE WABASH TRIBES. 57 



IS 

our 



We now make known to the great Congress of America, that our desire and intention is to live in the most 
perfect and strict friendship and alliance with our elder brothers, the Americans; tliat we shall forever listen to, and 
abide by, their mstructions, advice, and determination, placing the strongest confidence that the great council 
composed ot such who have eyes ot pity and hearts ot humanity and compassion ; that they will not divest us of 
rights and possessions, which our ancient lathers and predecessors have enjoyed time out of mind. 

We still remember and abide by the tre;ity lield with your commissioners in South Carolina in the year 1785; 
and though our hunting grounds and to\vns north ot Tennessee and Holston rivers is sold unto white people for to 
settle upon wthout our consent, we still hope Congress will have mercy upon us: for if our country is all taken 
from us, we shall not be able to raise our children, neither is tliere any place left for us to remove to 

We rejoice much to hear that the great Congress have got new powers, and have become strong. ' We now hope 
that whatever is done hereafter by the great council will no more be destroyed and made small by any State 

We shall always be ready to listen, with open ears and willing hearts, to you or any one joined with you, and 
to no other, tor protection, and regulating all matters. 

We beg leave to make it known to your great and beloved council, that we have appointed and constituted our 
beloved brother, Bennet Ballew, to be our chief and representative in and over all that part of the Cherokee nation 
comprehending the towns lying on the aforesaid rivers Tenasee, Highwassa, Telliquo, and Ammoah, and all lyin-^ 
north and nortiiwest of said rivers and towns'; that we have given and granted unto the said Bennet Ballew full 
powers and authonties to transact and negotiate all manner of things in aiiy wise touching, appertaining, or relating 
to the aforesaid towns and that part of our nation, in our behalf, and in our name and stead, in the same manner and 
form as though we were personally present ourselves, 111 as full and ample manner, to all intents and purposes; and 
in testimony of which we have sent our great and beloved warrior and chief, the Rising Fawn Keenuhteetah of Great 
Highwassa, to accompany our beloved chief and representative, Bennet Ballew, to Congress, then and there to make 
known to your great beloved council the truth and sincerity of this our instrument and writing, touching the pre- 
mises, and to do whatever the said Bennet Ballew may think for the good, tranquillity, and safety of our nation, 
trusting that the great council and elder brothers will do us justice, quiet us in our possessions, particularly our 
lands lying north of the nver iennessee and Holston; it is our hunting grounds, and we have no other to get our 
living on. 

Done in Council, at Chota, the 19th day of May, 1789. 
Signed and acknowledged before us. 

[ Here are added the signatures of twenty-four Indians. ] 



At a great talk held by the warriors and chiefs of the Cherokee nation, assembled in council at the great and beloved 
town of Chota, the 19th day of May, 1789, addressed to his Excellency the President of the United States: 

■^ Great Brother: The great Being above has directed our hearts to listen to the talks of peace, and sorry that 
ever any misunderstanding arose between us and our white brothers. Our last troubles have been occasioned by our 
rash inconsiderate young men, who, we doubt, have been too much encouraged by white men in our towns, that 
pretend you have sent tliein among us to do us justice and to direct our nation how to manage. 

There are a great many towns of us that live on Tennessee, Higliwassee, Telliquo, and Ammoah, who are near 
neighbours to the white people, and we wish to live in peace with them. 

We hope that Congress has not forgot the treatv last held at Hopewell, South Carolina. We intend to abide by 
it, and hope Congress will do us justice, as we look un to them for it, and intend to hear their good talks, and also 
the talks of all them that are joined with tiieni, but will not listen to any otiiers. 

Brothku: At our last treaty, held in South Carolina, we gave up to our wiiite brothers all the land we could any 
how spare, and have but little left to raise our women and children unoii, and we iiope you wont let any people take 
any more from us without our consent. We are neither birds nor fish; we can neither fly in the air, nor live under 
water; therefore we hope pity will be extended towards us. We are made by the same hand, ami in same shape 
with yourselves. 

We send some of (mr head-men and warriors to you with talk, and to represent the case and circumstance of our 
nation; and we hope you will settle matters with them to all our satisfaction, and that they may return home to our 
country with good tidings of peace and friendship; and any thing done by Congress and our representatives will be 
held sate by us, and fast by us. 

We hear that Congress have got strong powers now, and nothing can be spoiled that you undertake to do; this 
we hear from our elder brother, John Sevier, which makes us glad and rejoice at the news. 

We wish you to appoint some good man to do the business between us and our elder brothers. Let us have a 
man that don't speak with two tongues, nor one that will encourage mischief or blood to be spilt. Let tiiere be a good 
man appointed, and war will never happen between us. Such a one we will listen to; but such as have been sent 
among us, we shall not hear, as they have already caused our nation to be ruined, and come almost to nothing. 

TICKAGISKA KING. 



l 8t Congress.] ' No. 5. list Session. 



WABASH. 

COMMUNICATED TO THE SENATE SEPTEMBER 16, 1789. 

Gentlemen qf the Senate: 

'The Governor of the Western territory has made a statement to me of the reciprocal hostilities of the 
Wabash Indians, and the people inhabiting the frontiers bordering on the river Ohio, which I herewith lay before 
Congress. 

The United States, in Congress assembled, by their acts of the 21st dajr of July, 1787, and of the 12th of 
August, 1788, made a provisional arrangement for calling forth the militia of Virginia and Pennsylvania, in tlie 
proportions therein specified. 

As the circumstances which occasioned the said arrangement continue nearly the same, I think proper to suggest 
to your ccmsideration, the expediency of making some temporary provision for calling forth the militia of the United 
States, for the purposes stated in the constitution, which would embrace the cases apprehended by the Governor of 
the Western territory. 

GEO. WASHINGTON. 

September 16(/i, 1789. 



58 



INDIAN AFFAIRS. [1789. 



Sir 



New Yob K, September 14, 1789. 

The constant hostilities between the Indians who live upon the river Wabash, and tlie people of Kentucky, 
must necessarily be attended with sucli embarrassing circumstances to the Government ot the Western territory, 
that I am induced to request you will be pleased to take the matter into consideration, and give me the orders you 

"^\ is not'to''bTexpected, sir, that the Kentucky people will, or can, submit patiently to the cruelties and depre- 
dations of those savages; they are in the habits of retaliation, perhaps without attending precisely to the nations from 
which the injuries are received. They will continue to retaliate, or they will apply to the Governor ot the Western 
country (through which the Indians must pass to attack them) for redress; it he cannot redress them, (and in pre- 
sent circumstances he cannot) they also will march through that country, to redress themselves, and the Govern- 
ment will be laid prostrate. The United States, on the other hand, are at peace with several of the nations; and, 
should the resentment of those people tall upon any of them, which it is likely enough may happen, very bad conse- 
quences will follow : for it must appear to them tliat the United States eitiier pay no regard to their treaties, or 
that they are unable or unwilling to carry their engagements into effect. Remonstrances will probably be made by 
them also to the Governor, and he will be found in a situation, from which he can neither redress the one, nor pro- 
tect the other. They will unite with the hostile nations, prudently preferring open war to a delusive and uncertain 

DG3.CG 

By a resolution of the late Congress, the Governor of the Western territory had power, in case of hostilities, to 
call upon Virginia and Pennsylvania for a number of men to act in conjunction with the continental troops, and 
carry war into the Indian settlements. That resolution, it is now supposed, is no longer in force; the revival of it 
mi-'ht be of use, as it would tend to conciliate the Western People, by shewing them that they were not unattended 
to;°and would, in some measure, justify me in holding a language to the Indians which might obviate the necessity 
of employing force against them. The handful of troops, sir, that are scattered in that country, though they may 
afford protection to some settlements, cannot possibly act offensively by themselves. 

I have the honor to be, sir, , 

Your obedient and most humble servant, ' , 

The President of the United States.. AR. ST. CLAIR. 



1st Congress.] . -''.' / No. 6. . ' ' ' [1st Session. 



THE SIX NATIONS, THE WYANDOTS, AND OTHERS. 

COMMUNICATED TO THE SENATE SEPTEMBER 17, 1789. 

Gentlemen of the Senate: 

It doubtless is important that all treaties and compacts, formed by the United States with other nations, 
whether civilized or not, should be made with caution, and executed with fidelity. 

It is said to be the general understanding and practice ot nations, as a check on the mistakes and indiscretions 
of ministers or commissioners, not to consider any treaty, negotiated and signed by such officers, as final and con- 
clusive, until ratified by the Sovereign or Government from whom they derive their powers. This practice has been 
adopted by the United States, respecting their treaties with European nations, and I am inclined to think it would 
be advisable to observe it in the conduct of our treaties with the Indians: for though such treaties, being on their 
part made by their chiefs or rulers, needj not be ratified by them, yet, being formed on our part, by the agency of 
subordinate officers, it seems to be both prudent and reasonable, that their acts should not be binding on the nation, 
until approved and ratified by the Government. . ...... 

It strikes me that this point should be well considered and settled, so that our national proceedings m this 
respect may become uniform, and be directed by fixed and stable principles. 

The treaties with certain Indian nations, v/hich were laid before you with my message of the 25th May last, 
suggested two questions to my mind, viz: 1st. Whether those treaties were to be considered as perfected, and con- 
sequently as obligatory, without being ratified; if not, then 2d ly. Whether both, or either, and wJiich of them ought 
to be ratified; on these questions, I request your opinion and advice. • , , ^r , ■, 

You have indeed advised me '■'■ to execute and enjoin an observance of " the treaty with the Wyandots, &c. 
You, gentlemen, doubtless, intended to be clear and explicit, and yet, without further explanation, I fear I may 
misunderstand your meaning; for if, by my executing tiiat treaty, you mean that I should make it (in a more par- 
ticular and immediate manner than it now is) the act of Government, then it follows, that I am to ratify it If you 
mean by my executing- it, that I am to see that it be carried into effect and operation, then I am led to conclude, 
either that you consider it as being perfect and obligatory in its present state, and, therefore, to be executed and 
observed; or, that you consider it as to derive its completion and obligation from the silent approbation and ratifica- 
tion which my proclamation may be construed to imply. Although I am inclined to think that the latter is your 
intention, yet it certainly is best that all doubts respecting it be removed. 

Permit me to observe, that it will be proper for me to be informed of your sentiments relative to the treaty with 
the Six Nations, previous to the departure of the Governor of the Western territory; and, therefore, I recommend 
it to your early consideration. GEO. WASHINGTON. 

September 17th, 1789. ■-■■ " ' i- . ,, ' - ; 



JSi ' 



1790.] THE SOUTHERN TRIBES. 59 



1st Congress.] Nq. 7. - IstSi 



INDIAN TREATIES. '. . ' '* 

COMMUNICATED TO THE SENATE SEPTEMBER 18, 1789. 

Mr. Carroll, to whom was referred a message from the President of the United States of the 17th of Septembei-, 

1789, made the following report: 

That the signature of treaties %vith the Indian nations has ever been considered as a full completion thereof; and 
that such treaties have never been solemnly ratified by either of the contracting parties, as hath been commonly 
practised among the civilized nations of Europe: wherefore, the committee are of opinion, that the formal ratifica- 
tion of the treaty concluded at fort Harmar, on the 9th day of January, 1789, between Arthur St. Clair, Governor 
of the Western territory, on the part of the United States, and the sachems and warriors of the Wyandot, Dela- 
ware, Ottawa, Chippewa, Pattiwatima, and Sac Nations, is not expedient or necessary; and that the lesolve of the 
Senate, of the 8th September, 1789, respecting the said treaty, authorizes the President to enjoin a due observance 
thereof. 

That, as to the treaty made at fort Harmar, on the 9th of January, 1789, between the said Arthur St. Clair, and 
the sachems and warriors of the Six Nations, (except the Mohawks) from particular circumstances aftecting a part 
of the ceded lands, the Senate did not judge it expedient to pass any act concerning tlie same. 



1st Congress.] No. 8. [2d Session. 



THE CREEKS. 

COMMUNICATED TO THE SENATE JAM ART 11, 1790. ' ^ 

Gentlemen of the Senate: 

Having advised with you upon the terms of a treaty to be offered to the Creek nation of Indians, I think it 
proper you should be informed ot the result of that business, previous to its coming before you in your legislative 
capacity. 

I have therefore directed the Secretary for the Department of War to lay before you my instructions* to the 
commissioners, aiui their report in consequence thereof 

The apparently critical state of the soutiiern frontier will render it expedient for me to communicate to both 
Houses of Congress, with other papers, the whole of the transactions relative to the Creeks, in order that they may 
be enabled to form a judgment of the measures which the case may require. 

GEO. WASHINGTON. 

United States, January lllh, 1790. ' ■ 



1st Congress.] JVo. 9. [2d Session. 



SOUTHERN TRIBES. 

COMMUNICATED TO CONGRESS JANUARY 12, 1790. 

Gentlemen of the Senate 

and of the House of Representatives: 
I lay before you a statement of tiie Southwestern frontiers, and of the Indian Department, which have been 
submitted to me by the Secretary for the Department of War. 

I conceive that an unreserved, but confidenlial communication of all the papers relative to the recent negotiations 
with some of the Southern tribes of Indians, is indispensably requisite, for the information of Congress. I am per- 
suaded that they will effectually prevent eitlier transcripts or publications of all such circumstances as might be 
injurious to the public interests. 

GEO. WASHINGTON. 
United States, January 12, 1790. 

TTie Secretary of War to the President of the United States. 

War Office, January 4th, 1790. 
Sir: 

I humbly beg leave to submit to your consideration, a general statement of the Indian Department, and of the 
Southwestern frontiers, the same being intimately blended together. 

The invitation of the United States to the Creek nation of Indians, to treat of peace on terms of mutual advan- 
tages, has not been accepted. 

The report of the commissioners, A, will fully shew the precarious state of this business. 

The assurances, given by some of the chiefs, of the peaceable intentions of the Creek nation, are too uncertain 
in their nature, even if sincere, for the United States to rely upon. 

The case seems to require an adequate provisional arrangement, which, on the commission of any further depre- 
dations by the Creeks, should be called into activity. After the solemn offer of peace whicli has been made, and 
refused, it is incumbent on the United States to be in a situation to punish all unprovoked aggressions. 

♦ For these instructions and the report of the Commissioners, see Document No. 9. 



60 INDIAN AFFAIRS. [1790. 



■ In case the conduct of the Creeks should render coercion indispensably necessary, policy requires that it should 
^ be undertaken with a force adequate to the speedy accomplishment of the object. 

An army of sufficient strength should be raised to march into their country, and destroy their towns, unless they 
should submit to an equitable peace. 
j The warriors of tlie Creeks have been stated at various numbers, from four to six thousand, and are said to be 

\ .generally well armed, and furnished with ammunition. 

i To march into tlie country of the Upper and Lower Creeks, so as to be superior to all opposition, would require 

I an army to be raised of five thousand men. This number, after making the necessary deductions, for sickness, 
; establishment of posts of communication, and convoys of provision, would probably be reduced to three thousand 
'i five hundred eftectives. 
\ The troops to be employed on this service ought to be enlisted for the occasion, subject, however, to be sooner 

discharged, if necessary. 
j I have formed an estimate of the expense of such an army, which is hereunto annexed, marked No. l,on the sup- 

■ position that the pay of the non-commissioned officers and privates may be reduced to the sums therein specified. 
But, in either event of peace or war, with the Creeks, the establishment of a line of military posts on the South- 
western frontier, appears to be highly requisite. No peace with the Indians can be preserved, unless by a military 
force. . . 

The lawless whites, as well as Indians, wdl be deterred from the commission of murders when they shall be 

-^ -convinced that punishment will ultimately follow detection. 

The situation of the Cherokee nation, looking up to the United States for protection, in consequence of the treaty 
of Hopewell, demands attention. 

Although existing circumstances may require that the boundaries stated in the said treaty should be more 
JkJ J accommodated to the inhabitants who cannot be removed, yet, the other general principles thereof ought to be pre- 
served, and particularly the stipulated protection of the United States. This cannot be afforded but by troops. 
The fnendship of the Chickasaws and Choctaws cannot be cultivated, and the trade stipulated by treaty cannot be 
extended to them but by means of the protection of troops. 

The present military arrangement of the United States consists of one battalion of artilleiy, of two hundred and 
forty non-commissioned and privates; and one regiment of infantry, of five hundred and sixty non-commissioned 
and privates. This force, for the following objects, is utterly inadequate: to prevent the usurpation of the lands of 
the United States; to facilitate the surveying and selling the same, for the purpose of reducing the public debt; and 
for the protection of the frontiers, from Georgia to lake Erie. If it should be decided to erect a line of posts of that 
extent, and to leave small guards for the public arsenal, the following establishment would be required: 

A battalion of artillery, of two hundred and forty non-commissioned officers and privates, and two regiments of 
infantry, of seven hundred non-commissioned officers and privates, each. 

The total of the artillery and infantry amounting to sixteen hundred and forty non-commissioned officers and 
privates. 

The estimate hereunto annexed, marked No. 2, will exhibit the annual expense of such an establishment. It is 
to be observed, that tlie estimate is formed on the principle, that the present pay of the non-commissioned officers 
and privates may be considerably reduced. But the pay of a lleutenant-colonel-commandant is enlarged from fifty 
to seventy-five dollars per month, and tiie pay of the major-commandant of artillery to fifty dollars per month. 
This occasions an increase for the lieutenant-colonels and major-commandant of sixty dollars per month. 

When the duty and expense of a commanding officer of a regiment or battalion be considered, it is presumed that 
the proposed additional pay in these instances will promote the economy and good of the service. Although the 
proposed reduction of tlie pay cannot affect the existing stipulations to the troops now in service, yet, as they are 
liable to be discharged, at any period, it is highly probable that, in preference thereto, they would accept the re- 
duced pay. 

The several representations herewith submitted, marked B, of the depredations committed by the Indians, on the 

feople along the south of the Ohio, and upon Cumberland river, show the exposed situation of those settlements. 
t seems the posts northwest of the Ohio do not afford the necessary protection, and the people claim the em- 
/vj ; ployment of their own militia, at the expense of the United States — a similar ai-rangement having been in operation 
^ s) \ untd the organization of the General Government, at the expense of Virginia. 

If it shall be decided to afford the protection requested, the propriety of employing the militia of the country for 
that purpose may be doubted. 

The economy of disciplined troops is always superior to militia, while their efficacy is at least equal; hence, if 
troops are employed witliin the district of Kentucky, as patrols or otherwise, they ought to be detachments from 
the regular troops of the United States, under the orders of the commanding officer on tiie Ohio. About four com- 
panies, acting as patrols or scouts, would afford all the satisfaction to the settlements which could be derived from 
defensive measures; but it is only from offensive measures that full security could be obtained. • 

The various tribes seated on the Wabash river, extending up to the Miami village, and the several branches of 
that river, are the Indians from whom the settlements of Kentucky principally receive injury. 

But these depredations, althougii perhaps effected with impunity as to tiie actual perpetrators, are not so to the 
Indians generally: for. the whites frequently make incursions into the Wabash country northwest of the Ohio, an<i 
it is probable that indiscriminate revenge is wreaked on all bearing the name of Indians. 

Hence a difficulty arises on the part of tlie United States, whidi requires a serious consideration. 
That the people of Kentucky are entitled to be defended, there can be no doubt. But, as there seems to have 
been such a prevalence of hostilities as to render it uncertain who are right or who are wrong, the principles of 
justice, which ought to dictate the conduct of every nation, seems to iorbid the idea of attempting to extirpate 
the Wabash Indians, uutil it shall appear that they cannot be brought to treat on reasonable terms. 

If, after a treaty should be effected with them, it should be violated, or, after an inyifafion to a treaty, it should 
be refusedj and followed by hostilities, the United States will clearly have the right to inflict that degree of punish- 
ment win en may be necessaiy to deter the Indians from any future unprovoked aggressions. 

If this statement be just, it would follow that the Governor of the Western ten-itory should be instructed to 
attempt to effect a general treaty with the said Wabash tribes, on terms of mutual advantage. If they should refuse, 
and continue, or suffer a continuance, from any of their neighboring tribes, of the depredations upon the district 
of Kentucky, the arms of tlxj Union ou^ht to be exerted to chastise them. 

The statement hereunto annexed. No. 3, will shew the application of the sum appropriated during the last session 
of Congress to Indiairtreaties and Indian expenses; the sum remaining unexpended might be applied to a ti-eaty 
with the Wabash Indians. 

Provisions must be furnished the Indians during the treaty. Whether any presents shall be added thereto, will 
depend on the decision of Congi-ess. 

It seems to have been the custom of barbarous nations, in all ages, to expect and receive presents from those more 
civilized, and the custom seems confirmed by modern Europe, wiUi respect to Morocco, Algiers, Tunis, and Tripoli. 
The practice of the Bsritish government and its colonies, of giving presents to the Indians of North America, is 
well known. 

They seem to have been convinced that it was the cheapest and most effectual mode of managing the Indians. 
The idea of fear, or purchasing a peace, is not to be admitted, in the cases above stated, but tlie conduct appears 
to have been dictated by wise policy. A comparative view of the expenses of a hostile or conciliatory system 
towards the Indians, will evince the infinite economy of the latter over the former. 
The question then, on the point of presents, must be simply this: 



1790.] 



THE SOUTHERN TRIBES. 



m 



Is the situation of the United States such, with respect to the neighboring European colonies, as to render it 
good policy at this time to anniliilate the Indian customs, and expectations ot receiving presents, and thereby dis- 
gusting thein in such a manner as to induce them to coimect themselves more closely with the said colonies.' 

If it should be decided to the contrary, the estimate of the Governor of the Western territory for the object of 
the Wabash Indians, No. 4, would shew the sum required, from which, however, must be' deducted the balance 
remaining from the appropriation of the last year. 

Althougli the information is not sufficiently accurate whereon to form a decided opinion of the number of tlie 
Indian warriors within the limits of the United States, yet the evidence seems sufficient to warrant the supposition 
that they amount nearly to twenty thousand. If to this number we should add, foi> every wariior, three old men 
women and children, the total number would be eighty thousand . 

Since' the United States became a nation, tlieir conduct, and some of the States, towards the Indians, seems to 
have resulted from the impulses of the moment. Until the treaty effected at fort Harinar in January. ir89,'it seemed 
a prevailing opinion that the Treaty of Peace with Great Britain, instead of tlie pre-emption only, actually invested 
the United States with the absolute right to the Indian territory, and in pursuance of this idea, treaties were made and 
boundaries allotted to the Indians. But, by the directions of Congress, of the 2nd of July, 1788, to the Governor 
of theWestern territory, to extinguish the Indian claims to lands they had ceded to the United States, and to 
obtain regular conveyances ot the same, it would appear, that they conceded the Indian right to the soil. 

The various opinions whicii exist on the proper mode of treating tlie Indians, require that some system should 
be established on the subject. 

That the Indians possess the natural rights of man, and that theyought not wantonly to be divested thereof, cannot 
be well denied. 

Were these rights ascertained and declared by law; w ere it enacted that the Indians possess the right to all their 
territory which they have not fairly conveyed, and that they should not be divested thereof, but in consequence of 
open treaties, made under the authority of the United States, the foundation of peace and justice would be laid. 

The individual States claiming or possessing the right of pre-emption to territory, inhabited by Indians, would not 
be materially injured by such a declarative law; the exercise of their right would be restrained only when it should 
interfere with the general interests. 

Should any State, having the right of pre-emption, desire to puichase territory, which the Indians should be ] 
willing to relinquish, it would have to request the General Government to direct a treaty for that purpose, at the ' 
expense, however, of the individual State requesting the same. 

But as Indian wars almost invariably arise in consequence of disputes relative to boundaries or trade, and as the 
rights of declaring war, making treaties, and regulating commerce, are vested in the United States, it is highly proper 
they should have the sole direction of all measures for the consequences of which tliey are responsible. 

I have the honor to be, sir, widi the highest respect, your most obedient humble servant, 

H. KNOX, 

_, ^ , ^, . Secretary for the Department of TVar. 

The President of the United States. . 



No. 1. ' 

,9n estimate of the expenses of an ,^rmy for one year, including the general staff, field and company officers, and 
five thousand and forty non-commissioned officers and pnvates. 



GENERAL STAFF. 



1 Major General. 

2 Aides-de-Cainp, 



2 Brigadier Generals. 



2 Aides-de-Camp. 

1 Adjutant Geiieial. 

1 Deputy Adjutant General. 

1 Inspector General. 

1 Deputy Inspector. 

1 Quartermaster General. 

2 Deputy Quartermasters. 

1 Chief Physician and Director. 
9 * 





Per 


montli. 


Per year 


Pay,. 




$200 




Subsistence, 




96 




Forage, 




36 








332 


3,984 


Pay, 


40 


80 




Subsistence, 


20 


40 




Forage, 


12 


24 








144 


1,728 


Pay, 


100 


200 




Subsistence, 


48 


96 




Forage, 


18 


36 








332 


3,984 


Pay, 


40 


80 




Subsistence, 


20 


40 




Forage, 


12 


24 








144 


1,728 


Pay, 




75 




Subsistence, 




32 




Forage, 




18 








125 


1,500 


Pay, 




40 




Subsistence, 




20 




Forage, 




12 








72 


864 


Pay, 




75 




Subsistence, 




32 


' ■ 


Forage, 




18 








125 


1,500 


Pay, 




40 




Subsistence, 




20 




Forage, 




12 








72 


864 


Pay, 




75 




Subsistence, 




32 




Forage, 




18 





Pay, 40 80 

Subsistence, 20 40 
Forage, 12 24 



-125 



Subsistence, 
Forage, 



-144 



75 
32 
18 



-125 



1,500 



1,728 



1,500 



62 



INDIAN AFFAIRS. 



[1790. 



1 Chief Surgeon. 



1 Apothecary and Purveyor. 



.f< ii ■ . 



1 Chaplain. 



';•■■ 



Pay, 

Subsistence, 
Forage, 

Pay, 

Subsistence, 
Forage, 

Pay,. 

Subsistence, 
Forage, 



Per month. 

75 
32 
18 

40 
20 

12 



40 
20 
12 



125 



72 



72 



Per year. 



1,500 



864 



864 



REGIMENTAL OFFICERS. 



For six regiments of Infantry, one regiment of Cavalry, and two companies qf Artillery. 

FIELD AND REGIMENTAL STAFF 

7 Lieutenant Colonels Commandant. .- - 



Per month. 

Pay, 75 525 

Subsistence, 32 224 
Forage, 18 126 



Per vear. 



1 ■•} ■■>■ 



14 Majors. 



7 Paymasters. . . -• - - -' , 

7 Adjutants. ...-.- 

7 Quartermasters. . . . . - 

For the above, twenty -one rations of forage per month, 
7 Surgeons. - - - - - 

14 Surgeon's Mates. - - - - - 

72 Captains. • - 

74 Lieutenants. - - - 

70 Ensigns and Cornets. 



875 10,500 



Pay,. 


40 


560 




■< 


Subsistence, 


20 


280 






Forage, 


12 


168 












1,008 


12,096 


Pay, 


10 


70 






Pay, 


10 


70 






Pay, 


10 


70 


210 


2,520 




06 




126 


1,512 


Pay,. 


45 


315 






Subsistence, 


16 


112 






Forage 


06 


42 


469 


5,628 


Pay, 


30 


420 






Subsistence, 


8 


112 


532 


6,384 



.\ '. 



COMPANY OFFICERS. 



Pay, 35 2,520 

Subsistence, 12 864 

Pay, 26 1,924 

Subsistence, 8 592 

Pay, 20 1,400 

Subsistence. 8 560 



3,384 



516 



1,960 



Two companies of Artillery. 



8 Sergeants. 
8 Corporals. 
4 Musicians. 
120 Privates. 



40 Sergeants. 
40 Corporals. 
20 Musicians. 
600 Privates. 



240 Sergeants. 
240 Corporals. 
120 Musicians. 
3600 Privates. 



Pay, 
Pay, 
Pay, 
Pay, 



One regiment of Cavalry. 



Pay, 
Pay. 
Pay, 
Pay, 



5 
4 
3 
3 



40 

32 

12 

360 



^00 

160 

60 

1,800 



444 



Six regiments of Infantry. 



Pay, 
Pay, 
Pay, 
Pay, 



5 1,200 

4 960 

3 360 

3 10,800 



40,608 
30,192 
23,520 



5,328 



: 2,220 26,640 



-13,320 159,840 



From which deduct one dollar and twenty -five cents from each sergeant and corporal per month, 
for clothing, and ten cents from each, for hospital stores; also, 90 cents from each musician 
and private, for clothing, and ten cents from each for hospital stores, which will, for cloth- 
ing, amount to - - - - - - -- - - 46,044 

And tor hospital stores, - - - - - v ■: - - - 6,048 

52,092 

Rations for 5,040 non-commissioned officers and privates, 365 days, one ration per day, is 

1,839,600 rations, at twelve cents per ration, ...-.- 220,752 

Clothing— 5MQ suits, at 20 dollars each, ------- 100,800 

Hospital Department, -----.--.. 6,000 

Horses.— YoY the cavalry, 700, at 75 dollars each, ------ 52,500 

Forage for 700 horses, at 5 dollars each per month, for one year, - - - - 42,000 

Horse-furniture and equipments, at 20 dollars, -..-.. 14,000 

108,500 



1790.] 



THE SOUTHERN TRIBES. 



63 



Quartermaster'' s Department, 

Tents, axes, camp-kettles, wagons, horses, pack-horses, boats, and every means for the trans- 
portation of the army, may be rated at ------ . 300,000 

The artillery, arms, ammunition, and accoutrements, are not particularly estimated, they being 

generally in the public possession, but may be rated at ----- 120000 



Total, $1,152,836 



War Office, December 31s/. 1789. 



H. KNOX, Secretary for the Department of War. 



No. 2. 



^n estimate of the annual expense of a corps, to consist of two regimerits of Infantry, of ten companies each, and 
one battalion of .irhllery of four companies, each company to be composed of four sergeants, four corporals, 
two musicians, and sixty privates, amounting in the whole to one thousand six hundred and eighty non-com- 
missioned officers and privates. 

1 Brigadier General. - - 



2 Lieutenant Colonels Commandant. 



4 Majors. - 



1 Major Commandant of Artillery. 



2 Paymasters, 2 Adjutants, 2 Quartermasters 
2 Surgeons. . . . . 



5 Mates. 

20 Captains of Infantry. 

20 Lieutenants. 

20 Ensigns. 

4 Captains of .\rtillery. 

8 TJeuteiiants of diltd. 



Two regiments of Infantry. 



80 Sergeants. 
80 Corporals. 
40 Musicians. 
1200 Privates. 



16 Sergeants. 
16 Corporals. 
8 Musicians. 
240 Privates. 



One battalion of Artillery. 





Per month. 




Per year. 


Pay, 




100 






Subsistence, 




48 






Forage, 




18 


166 


1,992 


Pay, 


75 


150 






Subsistence, 


32 


64 




, 


Forage, 


18 


36 












250 


3,000 


Pay, 


40 


160 






Subsistence, 


20 


80 






Forage, 


12 


48 












288 


3,456 


Subsistence, 




50 








20 






Forage, 




12 












82 


984 


Pay $10, forage $6 each. 


is 96 


1,152 


Pav. 

Subsistence, 


45 


90 






16 


32 






Forage, 


6 


12 


134 


1,608 


Pay. 


SO 


150 






Subsistence. 


8 


40 












19(» 


2,280 


Pav,. 

Subsistence, 


35 


700 






12 


240 












940 


11,280 


Pay, 


26 


520 






Subsistence, 


8 


160 












680 


8,160 


Pay, 


20 


400 






Subsistence, 


8 


160 












560 


6,720 


Pay, 


35 


140 






Subsistence, 


12 


48 












188 


2,256 


Pay, 


26 


208 






Subsistence, 


8 


64 












272 


3,264 


n/- 


$46,152 


Pay. 


5 


400 




4,800 


Pay, 


4 


320 




3,840 


Pay, 


3 


120 




1,440 


Pay. 


3 


3,600 




43,200 


Pay, 


5 


80 


9()0 




Pay, 


4 


64 


768 




Pay. 


3 


24 


288 




Pay. 


3 


720 


8,640 





trom which deduct one dollar and twenty-five cents from each sergeant and corporal's pay per 
month, tor clothing, and ten cents per month from each, for hospital stores; and also, ninety 
centsper month, from the pay ot each musician and private, for clothing, and ten cents 
trom each, per month, tor hospital stores, which will, for clothing, amount to 18,749 

And tor hospital stores, to - - - . . . . 2 016 



63,936 



20,765 



CZo/Am.§-.— 1.680 suits, at 20 dollars, - - - . 

Rations.— I fim rations per day. for 365 days. 613,200, at 12 cents. 



43,171 
33,601) 
73,584 



Total, 



$196,50- 



6| ' INDIAN AFFAIRS. [1790. 

The annual expense of the present establishment,- pay, subsistence, and forage, to the officers, and pay to 840 non- 
commissioned officers and privates, viz: To sergeants six, corporals and musicians five, and to privates four 
dollars per month, and clothing annually, ------- $90,164 

Rations annually, - - .,.-,.- - - - - - 36,792 



The annual expense of the proposed esiabMahmeut; the pay, subsistence, and forage to officers, 
and pay to 1,680 non-commissioned officers and privates, as reduced, viz.: sergeants five, 
corporals four, musicians and privates three dollars per month, from which is to be de- 
ducted the sums already noted for clothing and hospital stores, and their clothing animally, $ 1 12,923 

Rations annually, .--------. 73,584 



$ 126,956 



$186,507 



The difference is - - ^ - - $59,55100 



Note. The relative value of a Colonel, in a tariff for the exchange of prisoners during the late war, being much 
higher than a Lieutenant Colonel, and there being but few of the rank of Colonel in the British army employed in 
America, occasioned the present arrangement of field officers to a regiment, consisting of a Lieutenant Colonel 
Commandant and two Majors. 

But, as the troops on the frontiers may act with militia commanded by Colonels, the Lieutenant Colonels may 
be superseded in their command by militia officers, to the exti'eme prejudice of the service. 

The idea, therefore, is submitted, to recur to tlie former arrangement of field officers to a regiment, to wit: a 
Colonel, a Lieutenant Colonel, and a Major. 

The only difference of expense will be fourteen dollars per month to the Lieutenant Colonel, in addition to the 
pay and emoluments of a major, as the Lieutenant Colonels Commandant were entitled to the pay and emoluments 
of a full Colonel. 

H. KNOX, 

War Office, Z)ecpmier 31s<, 1789. ■ '■ ' . Secretary for the Department of TVar. 

, ' .,.;■■, No. 3. ■ ' ■ 

Statement o/$ 20,000 appropriated by Congress on the 20th August, 1789, for the expense of negotiations with 

the Indian tribes. 

Expended by the commissioners, as per their statement rendered the Auditor, . - - - $5,842 95 

♦Provisions and Indian goods deposited by the commissioners in Georgia, and the expenses thereon, 8,280 14 

Advanced the superintendent of the northern department, for the uses thereof, - - ; 500 00 

Expenses incurred in equipping George M. White Eyes, an Indian youth of the Delaware tribe, in . .;.. 
order to return to liis own country, he having been educated by order, and at the expense of 

the United States, - . - . - . - - - - - - - - 425 51 

v.- ■ ■ '■ ■ ■ ■ $15,048 60 

*'^' '-'' # '.''■ -—- , , _ Balance unexpended,. - - 4,951 40 






$ 20,000 00 



' ' ■'■' •■"','•:■ ■' ' . H. KNOX, 

War Office, 31s/; Z)ecem6cr, 1789. Secretary for the Department of TVar. 



' , ■■>.. . .Vli i . ■ " 

')-'.' "! ;'.w.. ■' '(•('-: ■ ■ 

, , - „,4^ No. 4. 

Estimate of the expense with which a Treaty with the Indians of the Wabash and Miami rivers ivould probably 
be attended. Their numbers are supposed to be from twelve to fifteen hundred men. 

Indian goods, assorted, to the value of- - - - : 

Stores and necessaries, - - - - - - - 

Transportation, -.--.------ 

Messengers and interpreters, ---------- 

Storekeepers, ------------ 

Commissioner's wages, >, - -- 

Contingencies, - -.,.- --.- --- 

The provisions cannot be estimated at less than thirty thousand rations, which, at contract piice, will 
amount to - - - - - - , , , r . v., - - - - - 

Many circumstances may occur to occasion the expenditure of a larger quantity of provisions; 
a lesser quantity ought not to be reckoned upon. y. . 

AR. ST. CLAIR. 
June 14, 1789. 

Balanceunexpendedof the appropriation of the 20th August, 1789, .- . t - - $4,95140 

The sum, in case of a treaty, would be required, - - - - - - - $11,199 60 

n. K'SOX, Secretai-y of JVar. 

* The commissioners stored the Indian goods in Georgia, in order that they might be ready if a treaty should be held in the 
spring. The provisions, and otli'er articles liable to waste and damage, were directed to be sold, and the whole accounted for, 
and subject to the order of the Secretary of War. 



$6,000 00 
650 00 
2,500 00 
1,000 00 
300 00 
500 00 
200 00 


$11,150 00 
5,000 00 


$16,150 00 



1790.] THE SOUTHERN TRIBES. 55 



lnslructio}is to the Commissioners for treating with the Southern Indians. 
To Benjamin Lincoln, Cyrus Griffin, and David Humphreys. Esq'rs. 

ComraissioiiPl-s Pieiiipotei\tiury for iiegoliatin» aad concludiug; iieaties of ptacc with the iudfpeuilunt trlhcs oi- nations of 
Indians within the lijnics of the United States, south cf the rii-er Ohio. 

Gentlemen: 

The" United States consider it as an object of high national importance, not onlj- to be at peace with die 
poNverful tribes or nations of Indians south of tlie Ohio, but, if possible, by a just and liberal system of policy, to 
conciliate and attach them to the interests of the Union. 

In order, therefore, that you may be possessed of all the information relative to the Southern Indians contained 
in the public documents, you have herewith delivered to you. copies of the following papers, to wit: 

The several statements which have been made on the subject from the war office, to which are added, copies of 
the treaties which have been made by the United States with the Cherokees, Chickasaws, and Choctaw^^ and the 
commissioners' reports thereon; the proceedings and reports of James White, Esq. superintendent for the Southern 
district; the reports of Messrs. Winn and Martni, temporary superintendents; the resolves of Congress, under which 
commissioners have been appointed by the States of North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, and the said 
commissioners' reports; and, also, certain papers transmitted by Georgia against J.jseph Martin, one of the aforesaid 
temporary commissioners. 

The first great object of your mission is to negotiate and estabiisii j)eace between the State of Georgia and the 
Creek nation. Tlie whole nation nmst be fully represented, and sulemnly acknowledged ty be so by "the Creeks 
themselves. 

You will find the ostensible, and probably the real cause of hostilities between Georgia and the Creeks, to con- 
sist in a difference of judgment of three treaties, stated to have been made between the said paities, to wit: At 
Augusta, in 1783; at Galphinton, in 1785; and at Shouldeiboiie. in 1786: copies of wliich you have iierewith 
<lelivereu to you. 

It is a circumstance of the highest consequence, to investigate thoroughly. all the facts under whicli tJie said treaties ■ 
were made. The official papers will afibrd you great information on this subject. 

On the one side, the objections against the justice of said treaties, are stated in the several communications of 
Mr. McGillivray, and the connnunications of the Lower Creeks to Mr. V.'hite, the sujierintendent. 

On the otlier side, the statement made by tlie Legislature of Georgia, contains the reasons in support of the treaties. 
The opinion of the commissioners of the United States of the treaty of Galphinton, is contained in their reports; 
and tlie communications of James White, Esq. the superintendent, will show Ids judgment on the case. 

But, in addition to all these written evidences, it may be pro[)er, in order that the investigation be conducted witli 
the most perfect impartiality, to have such viva voce testimony as can lie obtained. 

For this purpose, you will request the Governor :ind Legislature of Georgiaj if in session, to authoiize such person 
or persons to attend the treaty as he or they may think proper, in order to give you such information as you may 
request, from time to time, of the transactions relative to said treaties. 

You will also endeavor to ascertain the liicts relative to the said treaties, from the Creeks. 
And you will further endeavor to obtain information, on oath, of the manner in wliich the said treaties were held, 
from such unprejudiced respectable private characters, who were present at the saiil treaties, as you shall be able to 
find. 

The main points to be ascertained, are — 

1st. ^^'hetner all the lands belonging to the Upper and Lower Creeks are the common property of the whole 
nation.' Or, 

2d. Were the lands stated to have been ceded to Georgia by the tliree treaties, or either of tiieni, acknowledged 
by the Upper Creeks to be the sole properly of the Lower Creeks.' 

3d. Uere the acknowledged proprietors of the lands, stated to have been ceded to Georgia, present, or fully 
i-epresented, at the said three treaties? 

4tJi. I)i<l the Creeks, present at the said treaties, act with a full understanding of the cessions they are stated to 
have made.'' 

5th. Were the said treaties and cessions freely made on the part of the Creeks, uninfluenced by any threats or 
iuiplication of force? 

These circumstance?!, and all others connected therein, must be critically examined into, in order that you may 
foi'm your judgment on the said treaties with the greatest accuracy. 

If the result of your investigation should be, that the said three treaties, and the cessions of land therein contained, 
were made by a full and authori/.ed representation of the Creek nation, or that the cessions of land was obtained 
with the full uiiiieistanding and free consent of the ackimwjedged proprietors, and that iheie were no circumstances 

■^ ' • ' j^ (,.jgp ppg. 

rts thereof 

. . ,_. . ., -- --~ ^s, so far as 

the same may respect the confirmation of such i)arts of the cessions of land contained tiierein, as you shall have 
adjudged just and equitable, should obstinately refuse to confirm the same to Georgia, then you are to inform them 
that the arms of the Union will be called forth for the protection of Georgia, in the peaceable antl just possession of 
said lands; and in case the Creeks attempt any molestation or injury to Georgia, that they will be deemed tlie ene- 
mies of the United States, and punished accordingly. 

But if it should result from your inquiries, that the said treaties and cessions were obtained, on the part of Geor- 
gia, under such circumsUmces as to preclude the interference of the United States, consistently with their justice and 
dignity, you are not to urge or persuade the Creeks to a renewal or confirmation thereof. 

It IS, liowever, to be observed, that Georgia has proceeded on the principle that the cession stated to have been 
made at Augusta, in 1783, was fiiirly obtained; and that the said State has surveyed and divided the lands between 
the Ogechee and Oconee among certain descriptions of its citiy.ens; that the said citizens have settled and planted 
on said lands in great numbers. Should, therefore, the result of your investigation be unfavorable to the claims of 
Georgia, it wouUfbe highly embarrassing to that Slate to relinquish the said lantis to the Creeks. 

Hence it will be an impjrlant accommodation to Georgia to obtain from the Creeks a regular conveyance of the 
said lands lying between the Ogechee and Oconee. 

To accomplish this object, therefore, you are specially required to use your highest exertions ^ith the Creeks. 
On your success materially depends the internal peace of Georgia, and probably its attachment to the General Go- 
vernment of the United States. 

If the prejudices of the Creeks against the United States are not too deeply rooted, it is presumed that such 
advantages to that nation can be stipulated as to induce them not only to relinquish to Georgia the lands in question, 
but to attach them sincerely and permanently to the United States. 

The disputed lands being entirely despoiled of their game bv the settlements, are therefiire no longer valuable 
to the Creeks as hunting grounds. If they have not been fairly purchased of the real proprietors by Georgia, it 
ought to be done. In case the Creeks, therefore, would be willing to make a proper conveyance for a given sum, 
you will stipulate that the same shall be paid by Georgia at a certain period, or, in case of failure, by the United 
States. 

While negotiating the price to be given for the said land, you will have due regard to the sums which Georgia 
actually paid at the treaty of Augusta, to the present value of the lands as hunting grounds, and to the other con- 
siderations hereafter specified. 

In this part of the negotiation, it would be desirable that the persons who may be appointed by the Governor or 
Legislature of Georgia to attend the treaty, should concur widi you as to the sum which, in case of purchase, shall 
be stipulated to be given. 



wiiu tne lull uiiileistanding ana tree consent ot tlie acknowledged proprietors, and that there were nocircui 
r)f unfairness or constraint of any sort, used to induce the Creeks to make the cessitms to Georgia, in this ( 
cisely, you are to insist 011 a formal renewal and confirmation of the said cessions to Georgia, or such part 
as you shall find just. If the Creeks, after hearing all your arguments for (he renewal of the said treaties. 



\ 



66 INDIAN AFFAIRS. [1790, 

In addition to the purchase money for the lands, and for the further great purpose of attaching the Creeks to the 
United States, provided the same, in your mature judgments, siiould be necessary, you are hereby empowered to 
make the following stipulations: 

1st. A secure port to the Creeks, or their head men, [on the Altamaha, St. Mary's, or any place between the 
said rivers, into which, or from which, the Creeks may import or export the articles of merchandise necessary to 
, / the Indian commerce, on the same terms as the citizens of the United States. The number of arms and quantity of 
/ ammunition, however, to be regulated by the quantity that shall be regarded as necessary for the hunters. 

If any apprehension should be entertained on the part of the Creeks on account of the safety of the goods which 
^ they might so import or export, it may be stipulated that the same should be protected by a company ot the regular 
(>■ troops of the United States. 

Ihe trade of tlie Creeks is said at present to be engrossed by a company of British merchants, stationed at one 
of the Bahama islands, who have connected Mr. McGillivray with them as a partner. The Spaniards have permitted 
some of the livers which empty into the Gulf of Mexico to be the cliannel ot this trade for a certain number of years. 
I Some impediments or impositions of duties appear to have disgusted Mr. McGillivray with the Spaniards, or with 
i the communication, and renders him desirous of a port in the United States. If these circumstances could be the 
means of breaking his connexion with the Spanish colonies, it would be wise policy to afford the Creeks a port, and 
to protect them in every thing relative thereto. 

2ndly. Gifts in goocls, or money to some, and, if necessary, honorary military distinctions to others, of the influ- 
ential chiefs. 

The presents will be regulated by your judgment. The idea of military distinction arises from the information 
that Mr. McGillivray possesses ii commission of Colonel or Lieutenant Colonel from the King of Spain. 

If he could be induced lo resign that commission by the offer of one a grade higher, the offer ought to be made 
and substantiated, cm his taking a solemn oath of allegiance to the United States. 

Mr. McGillivray is stated to possess gi-eat abilities, an unlimited influence over the Creek nation, and part of 
the Cherokees. It is an object worthy of considerable exertion to attach him warmly to the United States. 

The measure could be attempted and urged with great propriety, as it respects his fidelity to the Creeks, and 
the continuance of his own importance in that nation. 

The. United States do not want the Creek lands ; they desire only to be friends and protectors of the Creeks, 
and to treat them with humanity and justice. 

In case you should be satisfied of his compliance with your desires, you will deliver him the presents which are 
particularly designated for him, and also give him assurances of such pecuniary rewards from tl\e United States as 
\ you may think reasonable, consequent on the evidence of his future favorable conduct. 

Srdly. If you should find the measure necessary, in order to accomplish the before recited objects, you will fur- 
ther stipulate a solemn guarantee of the United States to the Creeks of their remaining territory, to be supported, 
if necessary, by a line ot military posts. 

This measure will, most probably, be highly satisfactory to the Creeks^ as it will entirely prevent any attempts to 
purchase any part of tlieir lands, and it will, at the same time, impress tliem with the moderation and justice of the 
General Government. 

If these offers, with all the benefits resulting therefrom, should be insufficient to induce the Creeks to agree, 
■voluntarily, to relinquish the disputed lands between the Ogeechee and Oconee rivers, you cannot, with propriety, 
make a tender of more favorable conditions. 

In this event, however, you may endeavor to conclude a treaty, and establish therein a temporary boundary, 
making the Oconee the line — to stipulate the secure port, and the pecuniary and honorary considerations before 
recited. 

You will establish the principle, in case of concluding a treaty, that the Creeks, who are within the limits of the 
United States, acknowledge themselves to be under the protection of the United States of America, and of no other 
sovereign whosoever ; and, also, that they are not to hold any treaty with an individual State, nor with individuals 
of any fetate. 

You will also endeavor, without making it an ultimatum, to est;iblish such direct trade as the Government of the 
Union shall authorize. Tliis point, however, is to be managed with the greatest delicacy, for the before recited 
reasons. 

In the general objects of the restoration of prisoners, negroes, &c. you will conform to the treaties of Hopewell 
with the Cherokees, Chlckasaws, and Choctaws. 

You will, also, endeavor to obtain a stipulation for certain missionaries, to reside in the nation, provided the 
General Government should think proper to adopt the measure. These men to be precluded from trade, or attempt- 
ing to purchase any lands, but to have a certain reasonable quantity, per head, allowed for the purpose of cultivation. 
The object of this establishment would be the happiness of the Indians, teaching them the great duties of religion 
and morality, and to inculcate a friendship and attachment to the United States. 

If, alter you have made your communications to the Creeks, and you are persuaded that you are fully 
understood by them, they should refuse to treat and conclude a peace, on the terms you propose, it may be concluded 
, that they are decided on a continuance of acts of hostility, and that they ought to be guarded against as the determine^ 
enemies of the United States. 

In this case, you will report such plans, botli for defensive and offensive measures, so as best to protect the 
citizens of the United States on the frontiers, from any acts of injury or hostility of the Creeks. Although the 
policy of attaching influential cliiefs by pecuniary or honorary considerations, may not be doubted, yet it has been 
otherwise, with respect to making presents to the commonalty among the Indians. In case, therefore, you find 
that the Creeks are willing to relinquish the land between the Ogecliee and Oconee, on further payments for the 
same, you will endeavor to stipulate, that the mass of the goods you have in charge for the treaty, should be receiveil 
by the Indians as part, or the whole of the consideration for the conveyance ot the said lands, as you shall judge 
proper. 

Messrs. Osborne and Pickens have, in their report of the 30th June last, stated, that they have agreed to hold a 
general treaty with the Creeks at the Rock Landing, on the Oconee river, in tlie State of Georgia, on the 15th 
of September next ensuing: you will make every exertion to be there at that time. Immediately on your arrival at 
Savannah you will arrange the transportation by land or water, of the goods and provisions under your direction, 
to the place of treaty, or towards the same, so as to arrive with all possible expedition. At the same time, you will 
despatch expresses to the Governor, notifying him of your commission and arrival, and also to Messrs. Osborne and 
Pickens; and as soon after as possible, you will repair to the place aflixed for treating. The troops and the goods 
may follow agreeably to your directions. Periiaps you may change the place of treaty, to some place to'"Which 
your goods might be transported with greater facility than the Rock Landing on the Oconee river. 

But, notwithstanding your greatest exertions, it may happen that your arrival maybe so retarded, that Messrs. 
Pickens and Osborne may have held a treaty,. and the Indians may have departed to their own country. 

In this case you will carefully enquire, whether there were present at the treaty, a full representation of the 
whole Creek nation, and particularly Mr. McGillivray, and whether the treaty was made under such circumstances 
as to be consistent with the justice of the United States, and conformable to the spirit of their instructions. If so. 
you will confirm and ratify the same, in as full a manner as if you had been actually present. But, if an inadequate 
representation only should have been present, or any circumstances should have been adopted, ot which the United 
States could not with justice and dignity approve, in this case you will use your best endeavors to persuade the 
Creeks to attend a new treaty, at sucli place and at such time as you may judge proper. You will observe the same 
conduct to collect the Creeks, in case it should appear that they, from anv circumstances, are disinclined to attend 
generally the treaty on the 15th of September, or provided your arrival should be posterior to that peiiod,and you 
shall learn they did not attend, agreeably to the imitation o!' Messrs. Pickens and Osborne. 



1790.] • THE SOUTHERN TRIBES. qj 



Dunns your negotiations with the Creeks, you will endeavor to ascertain the following points: 

1st. The number ot warriors in the whole nation, including Upper and Lower Creeks and Seniinoles. 

2d. \\ hether they are armed with common and rifle muskets, or in any other manner, and how furnished with 
ammunition. 

Sd. The number of each division of Upper Creeks, Lower Creeks, and Seminoles. 

4th. The number of women and children and old men in each district. 

5th. The number of towns in each district. 

6th. The names, characters, and residence, of the most influential chiefs: and. as far as the same may be. their 
grades ot influence. 

rth. The kinds of government, if any, of the towns, districts, and nations. 

8th. Whether they are hunters only, or whether they cultivate and possess cattle, if so, the degree of cultivation 
and number ot cattle. 

9th. The usual hunting grounds of the whole nation and their distncts. 

10th. The kinds and value of furs taken annually, and how disposed of. 

11th. The amount of the European goods annually consumed. 

12th. Whetherginseng abounds in that country; iV so. whether it is gathered in any considerable quantities. 

13th. lo ascertain the nature ot the country west from Georgia to the Mississippi: whetiier mountainous, hilly, 
level, or abounding with low grounds and morasses — the nature of the soil and growth 

14th. To ascertain particularly, how iiir northward the waters of the Mobile,''Apalachicola, and Altamaha rivers, 
are navigable tor boats, and the nearest and portages from the northern navigable streams of said rivers, to the 
southern navigable waters or streams of the Tennessee river. 

The accurate knowledge of this subject is of considerable importance, but the inquiries thereto should be circui- 
tously conducted. 

15th. To ascertain with great precision the nature of the connexion of the Creeks with the Spaniards, and. if 
practicable, to obtain copies ol any treaties between them; whether the predominating prejudices of the Creeks are 
m favor, or against the Spaniards, and particularly the state of Mr. McGillivray "s mind on this subject 

16th. You will endeavor, as far as your opportunities will admit, to ascertain similar facts relative to the 
Cherokees, Chickasaws, and Choctaws, as are contained in the before recited requests relative to the Creeks 

In case of your concluding a treaty with the Creeks, and it should be your judgment that a line of military posts 
would be necessary to the due observance thereof, and also as a security of the peace of the Cherokees, you will 
report a plan tor the stations which should be taken, and the number of troops which should occupy each. 

The people who are settled on Cumberland river have just cause of complaints against the Creeks, who have 
during the present year, murdered several families within that district. The Creeks can have no cause of complaint 
against that settlement. 

This circumstance is to be strongly stated to the Creeks, and in case of a continuance of their murders, the 
vengeance of the Lnion is to be denounced against them. 

The peculiar case of the Cherokees seems to require the immediate interposition of the justice of the United 
States. But as that nation of Indians are principally resident within the territory claimed by North Carolina, 
which IS not a member ot the present Union, it may be doubted whether any eflicient measures in favor of the 
Cherokees could be adopted immediately. 

By the public newspapers it appears, that, on the I6tli June last, a truce was concluded with the Cherokees bv 
Mr. John Steele, on behalt of the State ot North Carolina. In this truce a treaty was stipulated to be held as sooii 
as possible; and in the mean time, all hostilities should cease <m both sides. 

In the event of North Carolina adopting the constitution of the United States, it will be incumbent on the 
General Government to take eveiy wise measure to carry into eftect the substance ot the treaty of Hopewell: in the 
mean time, you will send a message to the Cherokees. stating to them the difticulties arising from the locaf claims 
of North Carolina, as tar as the same may be proper. That, when these shall be removed, the United States will con- 
vince the Cherokees ot their justice and friendship. 

You will also transmit a^message to the vvhites inthe neighborhood of the Cherokees, enjoining an observance of 

es. 

nder 

are 

kees 



the truce made by Mr. Steele, until ageneral treaty shall take place, when justice shall be administered to all parti 

The two Cherokees who have lately come to this city, with their conductor, Mr. Bennet Ballew,are to go un( 
your direction to the place ot treaty. Good policy requires that they should be kindly treated, although there 
suspicions that the conduct of Bennet Ballew has not been very proper with respect to the lands of the Cherok^e- 
You will endeavor to ascertain his real character and designs, and make such use of him as you shall think proper 
You have delivered to you copies of the papers which Mr. Ballew presented from the Cherokees. 

The treaties with the Choctaws and Chickasaws will inform you of the stipulations of the United States to extend 
trade to those nations. Y ou will report a plan tor carrying into eftect the said stipulations, and you will also trans- 
mit to the said nations messages containing assurances ot the continuance of the friendship of the United States 
and ot the intentions of the General Government of extending the trade to them, agreeably to the treaties of Hope- 
well. You will have regular invoices of all articles delivered to you for the proposed treaty, and you will keen fair 
accounts of all your disbursements, which you will regulariy settle at the treasury of the United States. 

And in all cases where the same may be proper, consistently with the secrecv necessary to be observed the 
delivery ot the goods ought to be attested by the commissioned officers of the troops^ who should attend the commis- 
sioners. 

You will also keep a regular journal of your transactions, and report the same. 

It is presumed that you will conduct all your disbursements by that proper economy so necessary to be observed 
in all transactions of the General Government. You will learn, by the papers delivered to you, that certain "oods 
were left by the commissioners after the treaties at Hopewell, in the commencement of the year 1786. It is probable 
that these goods may have been delivered to Messrs. Pickens and Osborne; you will, therefore, apply to said ''entle- 
men for regular invoices pf all the goods in their possession, for the treaty, distinguishing the means by which thev 
became possessed thereof. ^ 

You will also request of them an account of the moneys or goods they may have received of the States of South 
Carolina and Georgia, in consequence of the resolves of Congress, of the 26th October. 1787. and August 14 1788 

As the said Messrs. Pickens and Osborne will most probably be at the proposed place of treaty, with the expecta- 
tion of conducting the same, you will deliver them the letter containing the reasons of Government for appointin<^ 
new commissioners. *' 

Were there any services at the treaty, in which you could employ them, it might be proper so to do. 

You vfiW endeavor to avail yourselves, as far as may be, of any arrangements which may have been taken bv 
Georgia, for the supplies of provisions during the holding of the treaty, or for furnishing the means of transporta- 
tion, for which the said State will have credit on the before recited requisitions of Congress, of the 26th October 
1787, and the 14th of August, 1788. * '-'ouei. 

You will please to observe, that the whole sum that can be constitutionally expended for the proposed treatv 
with the Creeks, shall not exceed the sum of twenty thousand dollars— the goods and money which have been 
delivered to you, and the expenses which will arise, by the removal and return of the troops, and your own pay 
will amount to . ^ ^ ' 

You will, therefore, see the necessity of economizing your means, and that the same cannot be extended 

It IS, however, to be observed, that the sums you shall think proper to stipulate to the Creeks, for the cessions of 
the lands between the Ogechee and Oconee, is to be considered additional to the said twenty thousand dollars 

You will, from time to time, communicate your progress to the Secretary of the War Department, and receive 
such lurther directions from him, as the case may require. 

The company of artillery, commaniled by Captain Burbeck, will accompany you to the place of treaty, and be 
under your orders. As soon as the treaty shall be finished, you will take the proper measures for the return of the . 



58 INDIAN AFFAIRS. [1:90. 



company to ihi9, place, as tlie time of service will soon expire. The company will receive one month and a half's 
pay, and be furnislied with three months' rations, whicii you will cause to be transported as the service may. require. 
These instructions will be the governing principles of your conduct, and they are to be regarded as secret. 
But many circumstances may arise, >vhich mav render some degree of modification necessary. In every event, 
however, you will please to remember, that the Government of the United States are determined, that their adminis- 
tration of Indian attairs shall be directed entirely by the great principles of justice and humanity. 

As soon as ycsu have concluded your negotiations with the Creeks, and forwarded your messages as herein 
directed, you will return to tliis place, and make a full report of all your transactions to the Secretary of the Wai- 
Department. , , . 

Given under my hand, at tiie city of New York, this 29th of August, 1789. otttxt^t-.^x- 

GejO. WASHINGI UN. 
By command of the President of the United States: 
' H. KNOX. 



. . • ■ ' A. ■ 

, ; .( Report of the Commissioners for treating with the Southern Indians. 

New York, \7th November, 1789. 

We have kept a regular journal of our negotiations with the Creek nation, and now make a full report of the 
mission to vou, as Secretary of the War Department. 

We arej sir, with great respect, your most obedient humble servants, 

,, ,, B. LINCOLN, 

'- CYRUS GRIFFIN, 

D. HUMPHREYS. . j. 
To the Honorable Henry Knox, Esq, 

A report of the proceedings of the Commissioners of the United States of America, for restoring and establishing 
peace and amity, between the United States and all nations of Indians situated within the limits of the said 
States, southward of the river Ohio. 

On the 31st day of August last, we sailed from New York, and arrived at Savannah in the night of tlie 10th of 

In conformity to our instructions on the 11th, we wrote the following letters, to tlie Governor of the State of 
Georgia, and to Messrs. Pickens and Osborne, the commissioners then at the Rock Landing. 

"Savannah, llth September, 1789. 

"Sir: 

W'e have been honored by the Supreme Executive of the United States, with the appointment of commis 
sioners plenipotentiary for negotiating and concluding a treaty of peace with the independent tribes or nations of 
Indians, within the limits of the United States, south of the river Ohio; and in consequence thereof, it becomes our 
duty, by the earliest opportunity, to communicate this infoniiatiou to your honor. In our negotiations, many sub- 
jects important to the interests of tiie State of Georgia will probably be discussed. Your honor will, therefore, if 
you should think the measure necessary, appoint some person or persons, the best informed in the nature of our 
business, to attend the commissioners, that they may, from time to time, receive from them such information as 
may be necessary on tiie subject of their negotiations. The commissioners expect to leave tllis town on the morrow, 
and to be at Augusta with all possible despatch. 

In expectation that a large number of the natives would be at the Rock Landing, and lest there miglit not be a full 
supply ot provisions to be obtained in the vicinity thereof, a veiy considerable quantity of salted provisions and 
flour were put on board of our vessels, the transportation of which, we find will be attended with great delay and 

expense. ^ . , ., , , . . , , , , 

We shall, therefore, store a considerable proportion of it here, until your honor s opinion can be known, whethei- 
there are liigh degrees of proljability that fresh beef and Indian corn can be had at, or convenient to, the Rock 
Landing, sufficient to answer the great demands which, it is very certain, will be made for those articles. If such a 
probabiPity siiall not exist which shall fully satisfy your honor, the commissioners in that case have to beg, that an 
express may be immediately forwarded to Major Habersham, requesting him to forward the whole of the flour in 
his hands, or such parts as you may think necessary, by water, to Augusta. 

As it is important that we should, as soon as possible, know the state of the supplies on which we are to rely 
while on the negotiation, and as we have been taught to expect that we should be aided essentially by this State, 
we must beg that your honor would order to be made out, for our own use, an invoice of such stores, the property of 
Georgia, as will be placed in our hands. 

W e have the honor to be, sir, your honor's most obedient servants, 

B. LINCOLN, 

C. GRIFFIN, 

D. HUMPHREYS. 
His honor the Governor of the 5'<a<e o/ Georgia." 

. "Savannah, llth September, 1789. 

"Gentlemen: 

Having been appointed commissioners plenipotentiary by the Supreme Executive of the United States of 
America, for concluding treaties of peace and amity witii the Indian nations, south of the Ohio, we thought proper 
to give you the earliest possible notice of our appointment. The reasons why it was deemed necessary tliat the 
characters employed in the execution of this business should not belong to any of the States bordering on those 
tribes of Indians with whom the treaties are proposed to be formed, will be fully, and, we trust, satisfactorily 
explained to you by the letter from the Secretary of War, which we shall have the honor of delivering into your hands. 
We have also to inform you that we shall set off from this place as early as we can possibly make the necessary 
arrangements, and reach you as soon as may be. In the mean time, we earnestly hope and expect that you will not 
remit your endeavors to have every thing in readiness to give despatch and success to the negotiations; and you 
will please to communicate every necessary information to the Creek nation on the subject. We are convinced 
this will be the case, because the interest and happiness of the State of Georgia, not less than the dignity and honor 
of the United States, seem to require it. 

On our part, you will be assured, gentlemen, that we shall always take a particular pleasure in doing justice to 
your merits by making the most favorable representations of your public services. 

Being, with tlie greatest respect and esteem, gentlemen, your most obedient humble servants, 

B.LINCOLN, 

C. GRIFFIN, 

D. HUMPHREYS. 
The Honorable Andrew Pickens and H. Osborne, Esquires, Rock Landing. 



1790.] - THE SOUTHERN TRIBES. 69 



Immediately after writing these letters, we proceeded to make the necessary arrangements relative to the trans- 
portation of ourselves, and also a part of the goods and provisions under our direction, to the place of treaty. A^'e 
then- despatched the subsequent communication to the Secretaiy of War: . -, 

" Savannah, 12//j September, 1789. 
"Sir: . , • ' . : 

"We arrived here the night before last, after an unusually rough passage: the transport with the troops (all well) 
had been in port nearly two days. We learned upon our arrival, tliat Mr. McGiUjvray was actually on his way to 
the place for holding the treaty, and on the second day of this month, at a short distance from it. The number of 
the Indians who attend him, is said to be between three and four thousand. 

Our first care was to send an express to the Governor and the late commissioners, announcing our mission, and 
suggesting such arrangements as we deemed indispensable: particularly, we gave information to the Governor, that, 
from the difficulty of procuring the means of transportation, we should leave the greatest part of tlie provisions which 
we had brought with us, at this place, unless in his judgment tliey should be absolutely necessary for supporting the 
Indians duiing the continuance of the treaty; in this case, lie was requested to send back an express to Major Haber- 
sham, that consequent measures migiit be taken instantaneously. 

We found it impossible to hire horses, and,- therefore, have been obliged to purchase five to carry us forward. It 
was with great difficulty that we have obtained a few poor teams to transport the most essentially necessary articles; 
with the troops who will march by the route of Augusta to-morrow morning, the greater part of the remaining stores 
will at the same time proceed by water to that place: for which place we shall also commence our journey early 
in the morning. 

Mr. Ballew. and the Indians with him, having expressed an earnest inclination of returning to their own country 
from hence, and as it would save a travel of at least two hundred miles, we liave furnished them with the means of 
doing it, and have sent friendly messages to the Chickasaws,Choctaws, and Cherokees, by them. \\"e have like- 
wise sent an address to the white people of the State of North Carolina, bordering on the country inhabited by the 
latter. . . 

The captains of the sloops which came witii us to tliis place having insisted upon receiving their money here, we 
have accordingly paid them. . , 

We have the honor to be. sir, your obedient humble servants. 



The Honorable the Secretary of JFar.'"' 



B. LINCOLN, 

C. GRIFFIN, 

D. HIMPHREYS. 



From Savannah we transmitted friendly talks to the Cherokees, Chickasaws, and Choctaws, expressed in 

the following words: 

" A message to the Cherokee nation of Indians, from the commissioners plenipotentiary for restoring and esta- 
blishing peace and amity between the United Slates of America and all the Indian nations situated within 
the limits of the said States, soutlnvurd of the river Ohio: • ' ' . ' 

Brothers or the Cherokee nation! 

We have been made very liappy, by receiving infoi-mation from the public newspapers, thatj on the 16th of 
June last, a truce was ccmcluded with your nation by the commissioner of North ('arolina, on behalf of that State, 
and that, in this truce, a treaty was stipulated to be held as soon as possible, and in the mean time, that all hostili- 
ties should cease on both sides. 

Whereupon, we, the commissioners plenipotentiary aforesaid, do think proper to confirm the said truce, and to 
give the strongest assurances of the friendly dispositions (if the United States towards the Cherokee nation; and we 
have made the same known to all those whom it might concern, and particularly to all the inhaljitants of the 
frontiers bordering on the Cherokee towns and settlemenls; declaring, in conse(iuence of the full powers vested in 
us by the Supreme Executive of the United States of America, that it is liie sincere intention of the said States to 
cultivate a friendly iiitercourse between our citizens and your people, and strictly enjoining an observance of the 
truce aforesaid upon the former. 

Head-mEn and warring chiefs of all the Cherokees, hearken to what wc have to say to you! 

Notwithstanding tiiere are some difficulties, arising from the local claims of North Carolina, which prevent us at 
present from writing to you, so fully as we could wish; yet we would not omit so goorl an opportunity to assure you, 
by the return of your beloved man Mr. Bennet Ballew, and your beloved chief. Nontowaky, that, when those diffi- 
culties shall be removed, the General Government of the United States will be desirous of taking every wise 
measure to carry into eflect the substance of the treaty of Hopewell, as well as to convince you of their justice and 
friendship. ■ 

Now, Brothers! we have nothing more to add at this time, except that we wish you all the happiness which we 
wish to the most dear of our own feltow^citizens; and that we will send to you another message on the subject ot 
public aftairs, before we shall return to the beloved city of Congress, from whence we came. 

Done at Savannah, under our hands and seals, this 13tli day of September, in the year of our Lord 1789, and in 
the 14th year of the independence of the United States of America. 

I , B. LINCOLN, 

• C. GRIFFIN, 

• D. HUMPHREYS. 

Attest, D. S. Franks, iS'ec'i/." ' 

"^ Message to the Chickasaiv nation of Indians, from the commissioners plenipotentiary for restoring and esla- 
blishing peace ajid amity between the United States of Jlmerica and all the Indian nations situated unlhin the 
limits of the said Slates, southward of the river Ohio: 

Brothers OF the Chickasaw nation: . • ' . ■ • 

AVe are glad, by the return of your beloved man, Mr. Bennet Ballew, into your country, to assure you of the 
continuance of the strong friendship of the United States of America for your nation. 

We hope that the peace \vliich was established between the commissioners plenipotentiary of the United States 
of America and the commissioners plenipotentiary of all the Chickasaws, at Hopewell on the Keowee, tiie tenth day of 
January, in the year of our Lortl one thousand seven hundred and eighty six, will last as long as the sun shall shine 
in the Heaven, or the rivers run into the ocean. 

Brothers: We rejoice to inform you of many good things which have happened to our nation since that treaty; 
we have been fast recovering from the wounds that were made upon us by the British in the late war. 

Our people are increasing in number every day. The white men in the other great continent begin more and 
more to respect us; we are at peace with all the world; a new and great council fire is kindled at our beloved city of 
New York, where the old ana the wise men, from all our States, come to consult and promote the i)rosperity of all 
America. 

10 * • '• t * ■ • ' • 



70 INDIAN AFFAIRS. [1790, 



Our union is strong: for, Brothers, we thinly and act like one man; our great warrior, General Waslnngton, who, 
you very well know, drove our enemies all beyond tiie great water, is now the head-man of all our councils, and the 
chief of all our warriors; lie, by the advice of his wise counsellors, has commanded us to tell you, that the United 
States regard the red men with the same favorable eye that they do the white men, and that justice shall always be 

maintained equally between them. ,■ . ^ . w *u 4i r.i tt • r 

Now, HEAD-MEN AND WARRING CHIEFS OF ALL THE Lhickasaws, listen to usI VV e avc the mouth 01 the Union for 
you, and'say that we are perfectly satisfied witii your conduct since the treaty of Hopewell, and trust we have given you 
reason to be satisfied with ours. All that remains lor both nations, is to continue to act the same open and friendly 
part. You, Brothers, may rest assured that your interests are always near to our hearts, and that, in conformity to 
the true intent and meaning of tiie eighth article of the said treaty, the General Government of the United .States 
will, as soon as the circumstances may conveniently admit, take measures for extending more fully to the Chicka- 
saws, the benefits and comforts arising from a well regulated and mutually advantageous trade. 

Brothers, farewell : we wish you all tlie happiness and prosperity which we wish to our fellow citizens, the wliite 
men of the United States. . 

Done at Savannah, under our hands and seals, this 13th day of September, in the year ot our Lord one thousand 
seven hundred and eighty-nine, and in tlie 14th year of the independence of the United States of America. 

B. JuliN l^OljJN , 
. C. GRIFFIN. 

■ . / , ' . ^ ■ . ' D. HUiMPHREYS. 

Attest, David S. Franks, Secretary ^ .■:■,■.- 

A similar message, with the necessary alterations, was sent to the Choctaws. •■',..: 

We also gave to Mr. Ballew, a copy of an address to the wliite inhabitants contiguous to the Cherokee nation, 
accompanied by the letter which follows it: 

" 7^0 all those ivhom it may concern. • ' 

" The commissioners of the United States of America, for restoring and establishing peace and amity between the 
United States and all nations of Indians situated within tl-.e limits of the said States, southward of the river Ohio, 
send greeting: 

Forasmuch as we have been given to understand, that a truco hath lately been concluded at the War-ford, 
between the commissioners of the State of North Carolina, on the one part, and the head-men of the Cherokees on 
the other; in expectation that a further negotiation for the purpose of establishing permanent peace and tranquillity 
will take place, as soon as the circumstances may admit: and whereas we have sent an ofticial message;to the Chero- 
kee nation, with lull assurances of tlie continuation of the good disposition and friendly intentions of tlie United 
States towards tliem: 

Now, therefore, we the commissioners plenipotentiary aforesaid, do think proper to make tlie sanie known to all 
the inhabitants of the frontiers, bordering on the tov/ns and settlements ot' the said Cherokee nation; and we do 
declare, in virtue of the full powers vested in us, by the Supreme Executive of the United States of America, that it is 
the sincere intention of thesaid United States to cultivate a friendly intercourse r.nd perpetual harmony between the 
citizens of the United States and the Southern Indians on their frontiers, upon terms of perfect equality and mutual 

We therefore enjoin an observance of tiie truce aforesaid, and further declare, tliat any infraction of the tran- 
quillity now subsisting between the said contracting parties, would directly contravene the manifest intention, and 
highly incur the displeasure, of the supreme authority of the United States of America. 

Done at Savannah, under our hands and seals, this 13th day of September, in the year of our Lord 1789, and in 
the 14th year of the independence of the United States of Am»rica. 

. . , B. LINCOLN, 

'''".•'■ ■■ .'. C. GRIFFIN, 

• D. HUMPHREYS. 

Attest, David S. Franks, Secretary.'"' 

. ■ "■ ' ' . 

• . '•''SAYxtiNAH, 13th September, 1789. 

"Sir: . . , . .• 

We have thought proper to entrust to your care, friendly messages from us, the commissioners pleniijotentiarr 
of the United States'of America, for restoring and establishing peace and amity between tlv:> United States and all 
the Indian nations, situated within the limits of the said States, southward of the river Ohio, to the Cherokee, 
Chickasaw, and Choctaw nations of Indians, which you will be pleased to deliver to the great councds of their several 
nations. We have also given to you, for the satisfiiction of the Cherokees, a copy of the address which we propose 
to transmit to the white inhabitants contiguous to the Cherokee nation. Relying upon your diligence and zeal to 
execute, with de.spatch and fidelity, the business that we have committed to you, we wish you a prosperous journey, 
and are, with due consideration, 

Sir, your most obedient humble servants 



B. LINCOLN, 

C. GRIFFIN, 

D. HUMPHREYS. 



Mr. Bennet Bai.lew." 



On the 13th we left Savannah, and on the ITth arrived at Augusta. We announced our arrival to the Gover- 
nor the same evening, and the next morning addressed to liim the following note: 

"■ ' - ' •' ' . ' '■' , , '^ AvGvsTA, 18th September, 17S9. 

Sir: ' • ' 

We are extremely unhappy to find that your honor was so much indisposed as to prevent you from receiving 
company at the time of our arrival last evening. We did not, therefore, trouble you with the letters we had in 
charge for your honor, until this morning. We now take the earliest moment of laying them before you, with our 
best wishes for the re-establishment of your health. 

We have the honor to be, with sentiments of the highest consideration and esteem. 

Sir, your most obedient humble servants, 

B. LINCOLN, 

C. GRIFFIN, 

D. HUMPHREYS. 
His Honor the Governor of the State of Georgia." 

To which his Honor was pleased to reply: . • , „ , 

.■■.:, ^' AvGvsTA, 18th September, 1789, 

"Sirs: 

i am happy that you are arrived thus far on the business with which you are charged. Whilst we had iiater- 
ing expectations that the proposed treaty would have taken place with the Creeks, we feel an additional consolation 
in your appointment, from the knowledge you will derive, by the incidents of your negotiations, of all the causes of 
our complaints. - . 



1790.] . THE SOUTHERN TRIBES. 7I 



Not having recently heard from the Rock Landing;, I could not farther act on that part of your despatcli of (he 
11th, respecting provisions, than by sending for the State agent to meet you at this place, whose arrival I expect 
every moment. 

Upon the otiier parts of that, and the whole of those of this morning, I shall be happy to see you before I go inti) 
council;^ and, as far as lies in my power, and I may respond for the Executive council, you may rely on the support 
of the Government, in the accomplishment of the objects of your mission. 

I have the honor to be, sirs, with mucli consideration, your most obedient humble servant, 

GEORGE WALTON. 

The Honorable the Commissioners Plcmpolentiary for 
negotiating icith the Indians south of the Ohio. *' 

After a free conversation with the Governor, ontlie objects of the mission, he wrote us a note, enclosing an act 
of the Council of tlie same date. 

"Augusta, 18//z September, 1789. 
" Sirs: • ' 

I do myself the honor of enclosing to you a proceeding of the Executive authoi-ity of this day. Tiiose details. 
which it shall be necessary to go into on thescfme ground, shall be communicated to you by express, through, 

Sirs, your most obedient servant, 

• ^ GEORGE WALTON. 

TTie Honorable the Commissioners for Indmn Affairs. " ■ ■ 

.. ■ . ''l^Covscih, Augusta, \%th September. ^T&'S. 

" The letter of the honorable the commissioners for negotiating treaties with the Indians south of the Ohio, of 
the Ilth instant, dated at Savannah, being taken up, and another letter of the 18th, announcing their arrival at 
Augusta, and enclosing a despatch from the War Office, of the 29th of August last, being read ancf considered : 

It is ordered, that tiie said commissioners be assured, that every assistance in the p3wer of the State shall be 
given, which may be necessarj- to give facility and effect to their negotiations with the Creek Indians. 

Extract from the minutes. 

J. MERIWETHER, Scc'ij E. C." 

An answer to our letter of the 1 1th, to Messrs. Pickens and Osborne, was received at this place: 

"Rock Landing, 16//i Sept. 1789. 
"Gentlemen: 

We had, this day, the honor to receive your joint letter of the 11th instant. Every arrangement that was 
in our power to make, preparative to the treaty, has been completed for two weeks past, and the Indians have been 
encamped at the distance directed by the Secretaiy of War, during the same period. 

We have used e\ ery exertion to keep the Indians together, and in good humor, which has hitherto been done 
with great difficulty. The same zeal and industry shall be continued on our part, for their continuance, but at the 
same time it is necessary to give you_the earliest information, that the Indians will not remain after Friday next, 
urdess you arrive here before the expiration of that day; tliis Mr. McGillivray informed us yesterday, though it is 
his wish to remain longer. 

We have the honor to be, gentlemen, with due respect, your obedient servants, 

ANDREW PICKENS, 
H. OSBORNE. 
The Hon. B. LiNcotx, C. Griffin, D. Humphreys, Esqrs.*' 

To which we made the following reply: 

^^^ "Augusta, 18th September, 1789. 

Gentlemen: 

We have just been honored by the receipt of the letter which you addressed to us on the 1 6th instant, and are ' 
inexpressibly astonished at the inforimilion which you have given, as it is so diametrically contrary to the ideas which ' 
ms honor the Governor of this State had a lew moments before held out to us. 

Trusting, gentlemen, that you will still continue your utmost exertions to keep the Indians together, and diat, in 
all events, you will have the goodness to forward the letter which accompanies this to Mr. McGdlivray, with the 
utmost despatch, 

We have the honor to be, with great respect, gentlemen, your most obedient humble servants, 

B. LINCOLN, 
. • C. GRIFFIN, 

•r Xf T> n n LT ,■ ^, D. HUMPHREYS. 

lo Messrs. Pickens and Osborne, Itock Landing. ' 

By the same express we wrote to Mr. McGillivray: 

" AvGvsTA, September I8th, 1789. 
'•Sir: 

We left New York eigliteen days ago, invested with full powers, from the Supreme Executive of the United 
States of Amenca, to conclude a treaty of peace and amity with the Creek nation of Indians. For the accomplish- 
ment ot an object of so much importance, we have pressed our journey with uncommon expedition. We arrived 
here last evening, and, alter making the necessary arrangements tor our luggage to follow, we propose departing from 
this place lor the Rock Landing tiiis afternoon. 

Being this moment greatly astonished by information from Messrs. Pickens and Osborne, that the Indians would 
certainly disperse, unless we should arrive wtihiii three days after the very day which was originally appointed foe 
the meeting, we shall accelerate our journey as much as possible. We therefore send an express with this letter, to 
letyou know that we shall be at the Rock Landing the day after to-morrow, and to assure you, that, if a lastiii" 
peace and friendship shall not be established, between the United States and the Creeks, it will not be owing to the 
want of the best dispositions on the part of the fonner. 

. We are, sir, with due respect, your obedient humble servants, 



The Hon. Alexander McGillivray, Esq.*' 



B. LINCOLN, 

C. GRIFFIN, 

O. HUMPHREYS. 



4U ^nJi^^ afternoon of the 18th we pursued our journey, and two of the commissioners reached the Lock Handing on 
Ihejoth, at evening, the other being unavoidably detained on the road The following note was immediately sent 
to Mr. McGillivray, to which he replied early the next morning: 



-JO INDIAN AFFAIRS. [1790. 



" Rock Landing, 20<A September, 1789. 



" The commissioners present their most respectful compliments to Mr. Alexander McGilliyray, chie.f ot the 
Creek Nation, and have the pleasure to announce tliat a majority ot them, a lew moments since, ai-rived at this place, 
and tha't, without delay, they shall be ready to proceed to business. 

Alexander McGiLLivRAY Esq. Grea/ CAie/ 0/ «^^ '^*« ^»'«f^*' <^c-" 

• , ' . , " September 20th', 1789. 



a 



" Alexander McGillivray, and the rest of the chiefs, are very glad to hear of flie arrival of the honorable the 
commissioners of the United States of America at the Rock Landing. A few principal chiefs intend to visit 
them this forenoon. 

The Honorable the Commissioners , -r. 7 r 7- „ 

of the United States of America, at the Rdck Landing. " . . 

About 11 o'clock, the following note from Mr. McGillivray was received: ■ > ■ 

"Gentlemen: 

Some of the principal cliiefs, accompanied by an interpreter, named Derezeau, go over to pay you a visit this 
/ forenoon. I beg leave to suggest to you, that a private conversation between us will be necessary, previous to the 
openin" of the treaty; and this camp I think the most convenient place for the purpose. I could therefore wish to be 
honoreil with the company of one or two of you this evening. In suggesting this measure, I intreat, gentlemen, that 
you will not consider it as proceeding from a want of the proper attention in me, which is due'to the very respect- 
able characters that compose the present commission. 

I am, very respectlully, gentlemen, your most obedient servant, 

ALEXANDER McGILLIVRAY." 

The Cussetah king, the Tallasee king, and the Hallowing king, attended the commissioners accordingly, as a 
deputation from the whole nation, to congratulate them on their arrival. ,. , , . . , 

After the customary ceremony, they all expressed the most ardent wishes to establish a lagtmg . peace with tlie 
United States, and declared their extreine joy that the diiy was come, wliich aftbrded a fair opportunity for accom- 
plishing an object so interesting and desirable to their nation. 

Soon after tliis interview, the following talk was sent to the Indian camp: 
" To the Hon. Alexander Mc Gillivray, great chief, and all the other head 7nen and warring chiefs of the Creek Nation: 
"■ Brothers: . 

Having been honored with a commission by tlie Supreme Executive of the United States of America, to con- 
clude a treaty of peace and amity with your nation, v/e think it expedient, in the first instance, to show you our full 
powers; on the other part, we desire to be favored, by you, with such evidence as the nature of the case may admit, 
of the fullness and autlienticity of the representation of the Creek nation which is now present. 

These preliminaries being satisfactorily settled, so that hereafter there may be no complaints ot partial or defec- 
tive representations, we shaU be ready to make our further communications, as soon as the Honorable Mr. Griffin, 
our colleague, shall arrive, which will probably be to-morrow. ^^^^^^ t^t 

B.LINCOLN, 
• D.HUMPHREYS. 

Zlst September, 1789." • • ' 

Much conversation was had \vlth Mr. McGillivray upon the subjects of our negotiation, at the camp of the 
Indians, on tiie evening of tiie 21st, and at the quarters of the coimnissioners, the 22nd, where Mi'- McGillivray and 
a number of the other chiefs passed the day. -,^ ^.■„. j .. , 1 1 u ^l 

Early in the morning of the 23d, a letter was sent to Mr. McGillivray, and the day was employed by the com- 
missioners in completing the draugiit of. a treaty, and other communications to be laid, before the great council of 
the nation. 

"Rock Landing, 23fZ September, 1789. 

" Sir* 

We have the pleasure to inform you that the honorable Mr. Griffin arrived here the last evening. We are now 
engaged in preparing the communications we intend to make to your nation, which, it agreeable to you, will be de- 
livered to-morrow morning. General Lincoln and General Pickens will have the pleasure of attending this lore- 
noon at your black drink. ,,- , xl i ^ u c 

W e have the honor to be, &.c. 

B. LINCOLN, 
D. HUMPHREYS. 
Alex. McGillivray, Esq. CAie/o/;Ae CrceA:?ia<20?2." y^ " 

At the conference between General Lincoln and Mr. McGillivray, it was agreed that the Creeks should attend 
the commissioners the next day at 11 o'clock, to hear what they had to communicate. However, late in the same 
evening, it was understood that it would be a matter of convenience for the Indians to receive the talks on the west 
side of the Oconee, and the commissioners accordingly wrote the subsequent letter: 

"Rock Landing, 23d iSep^emfter, 1789. 

" Sir: ".'•.. 

As we are disposed to do every thing in our power to accomplish the objects of our mission, without an undue 
regard to matters of form, and as we understand it would be a matter of convenience for your people, that we should 
attend on your ground for the purpose of making our communications to-morrow, we have no objections to passing 
the river to your camp upon that occasion. You will therefore be pleased to consider this letter as designed to take 
away all cause of jealousy, and to put it in your option to arrange the time and place ot conference m such manner ats 
shall be most satisfactory to the Creeks. We shall expect your answer by the bearer, and, in the mean time, we 

have the honor to be, 

Sir, your obedient servants, 

' B. LINCOLN, 

C. GRIFFIN, 
D.HUMPHREYS. 
AxEX. McGillivray, Esq. CAie/o/</ie Creeft waft'on." 



1790.] THE SOUTHERN TRIBES. 73 



To which Mr. McGillivray replied the next morning: 

''■IsDiAJiCxyiP, Oconee Biver, 24th Si'pten7ber. 1789. 
" Gentlemen: , 

I have tliis morning received your letter, which I explained to the chiefs, who appear satisfied to find that 
. you are disposed to make your communications to them on this side of the river. They therefore desire that they 
may be favored with your company this morning, at the ceremonyof their black drink; when that is over, they wish 
immediately to proceed to business with you. 

I liave the lionor to be, &c. 

ALEX. McGILLIVRAY, C. C. N. 

The Hon. the Comnmsioncrs of the United States o/.^menca, ^-c. ^-c. Bock Landing.^'' 

At the time appointed, the commissioners attended the ceremony of black drink, and were conducted to the 
gi-eat square of the encampment by all the kings, chiefs, and v.an-iors, in solemn psmip, and much apparent ftiendship. 
The commissioners then proceeded to businfess,, and having read and explained their commission, gave the followins; 
talk: , "^ . 

" Kings, Head-men, and Warriors of the Creek nation: This parclnnent which we iiold in our hands, and 
a copy ot which we now deliver, has informed you that we are appointeif by the President of the United States of 
America, with the advice of his old counsellors, commissioners plenipotentiary for restoring an(l establishing peace 
and amity between the United States and all the nations of Indians within the limits of the United States, south- 
ward of the river Ohio. 

Brothers of the Creek nation, aitexdI "We trust that the great master of breath who formed us all bro- 
thers, whetlier white men or red men, has created this day to be the time for preventing our people and your people 
fi-onv taking away^diat breath \\W\ch none but he can give, or should take away. We appeal to you. and ask, are not 
the pains and the misefies of the human race natural Ty severe enough, whithout their endeavoring, by unkindness, to 
increase the portion of bitterness and sorrow \\liich must, of necessity, fall to the l«t of man.- Let us try to make 
each other happy, and not wretched. It is in this way that the General Go\ eminent of the United States of Anife- 
lica intend to act with all the world. 

Friends and Brothers: We will first speak of the present state and policy of our nation: and we will speak 
nextof the reasons whicli ought to induce you to be in alliance with us, rather than with any other people whatever. 

Although, Brothers, we cannot entirely forget the calamities we sufi'ered in the late war with Great Britain, yet 
we have buried all resentments for the part whicli the allies of Britain acted in that bloody scene. That war left many 
of our cities, villages, and towns, in a ruinous condition; but we obtained liberly and independence. Our country 
has recovered from desolation. We are at peace with all the nations of the world. We are increasing every day in 
numbers. We have the means of happiness in onr power, and wish to communicate them to you. Our lands are so 
extensive that they enjov all seasons, and yield all productions. ( )ur great ships are made to go in every part of the 
world, where goods and merchanise can be (ibtained. Our Union, v.hich was a child, is grown up to manhood; so 
that it can speak with a louder voice, and strike with a stnmger arm, than ever it has done before: for you must 
know, that a happy ciiange has taken place in our iiational Government. One great council is established, with full 
powers to promote the public good. General Washington, who led our armies to con(|uest wherever he turned his face, 
IS now the head-man of all our councils, and chief of all our warriors. You know him. and he never speaks the thing 
which is not. He has commanded us to tell you. thai, while the General Government of confederated America will 
\in(licate the light of every member of the Union, it will also see that justice shall lie done to the nations ot Indians 
situate<l within the limits of the United States. And we are authorized lo declare and make known, that the United 
States will guaranty and defend to you, all the lands of your nation within the limits aforesaid, and which shall not 
be clearly ceded to any part of the iTiion. 

Friends and Bkoiiieus of ihe ('reek nation: A few words only are necessary to ni-ove to you, that it will be 
more natural for you to be allied w ith us, than with any other peo|)le. You are under the necessity of being con- 
nected with the w liite men. because you want their goods and merchandise. \>'e can make a reasonable profit, by your 
articles of export, and aft"ord such imports as you may want, at rates cheaper tlian they can be obtained, in any other 
place. A secure port in our country will be much more convenient for you than a port in any other country. Thus 
both of us will be gainers by being fi'iends. Tlie promotion of our mutual interest will promote our mutual friendship. 
This will be found the only sure method to make a peace happy and lasting. 

Brothers: AVe have nothing more to say to you at present; but, if you like this talk, and are possessed of the 
same good disnosition for us which we entertain in good faith for you, we are ready to propose to yon the draught of 
a treaty, which we think ipay be the foundation of a permanent treaty of peace and amity." 

The talk having been received with strong marks of approbation, the commissioners then presented the repre- 
sentatives of the nation the draught of a treaty, as follows: 

^' .irticles of peace and amity agreed upon hctween Ihe President of the United States of .America, in behalf of the 
said States, by the underwritlen commissioners plenipotentiary, o}i the one part, and the undersigned kings, 
head-men, ana warriors, of all the Creeks, in behcdf of themselves, and the Creek nation, on the other. 

Article I. There shall be a perpetual peace and friendship between all the citizens of the United States of 
America, and_ all the towns, tribes, and individuals, of the Upper and Lower Creeks. 

Art. 2. The boundary between the citizens of the said United States and the Creeks, is, and shall be, from 
where the former line strikes the river Savannah; thence, up the said river, to a place on the most northern branch of 
the same, commonly called the Keeowec, where a northeast line, to be drawn from the top of the Occunna moun- 
tain, shall intersect; thence, alongthe said line, in a southwest direction, to Tugaloe river: thence to the top of the 
Currahee mountain ; thence, to the head of the most southern branch of the Oconee river, that is to say, the river Apa- 
lachy, including all the waters of the same: thence, down the said river, to the confluence of the Oakmulgee: thence, 
on a southwest direction, to the most southern part of the river St. Mary; thence, down the said river, to the old line. 

Art. 3. The Supreme Executive of the United States solemnly guaranties to the Creeks all their remaining 
territory, against all aggression or unjust usurpation whatever, and vv'ill support the said guarantee, if necessary, by 
a line of military posts. 

Art. 4. The said, Indian chiefs, for themselves, and their respective towns and tribes within the limits of the 
United States, do acknowledge the Creeks to be under the protection of the supreme authority of the United States, 
and of no other sovereign whosoever; and, also, that they are not to hold any treaty with an individual State, or 
with individuals of any State. 

Art. 5. If any citizen or citizens of the Unifed States shall presume to settle upon the lands guarantied to the 
Creek nation by this ti-eaty, he or they shall be put out of the protection of the United States, ancfthe Creeks may 
punish him or them if they shall think proper. 

Art. 6. For the mutual advantage of the contracting parties, it is stipulated, that a free trade and friendly inter- 
course shall always be maintained between them; ancl, for the particular benefit of the said Creek nation, it is 
farther stipulated, that a secure post shall be established, at a place known by the name of Beard's Bluft", on the 
liver Altamaha, or, if that shall be found inconvenient, at such otVier place as shall hereafter be agreed upon; into 
Avliich, or from which, the Creeks may import or export all the articles of goods and merchandise necessary to the 
Indian commerce, on the same terms as the citizens of the United States: Provided, That the number of arms, and 
quantity of ammunition, shall not exceed their annual necessary supply for hunting. And if any just apprehension 
should be entertained by the Creeks, for the safety of the goods and merchandise, so imported or exported, the 



74 INDIAN AFFAIRS. [1790. 

Supreme Executive of the United States will take efiectual measures for protecting the same, by stationing a body 
of regular troops at the said post. 

Art. 7. The General Government of the United States haying the sole and exclusive right of regulating the 
trade between their citizens and the Indians, within the limits of their territories, will, as soon as may be, adopt an 
equitable system for the prevention of injuries and oppressions on the citizens or Indians; and, in the mean time, 
all traders, citizens of the United States, shall have liberty to go to any towns or tribes of the Creeks to trade with 
them, and they sliall be protected in their persons and property, and kmdiy treated. 

Art. 8. It any Indian or Indians, or persons residing among the Creeks, or wlio shall take refuge in their nation, 
shall commit a robbery or murder, or other capital crime, on any citizen of the United States of America, or person 
under their protection, the tribe to which such offender may belong, or the nation, shall be bound to deliver him or 
them, to be punished according to the laws of the United States : Provided, The punishment shall not be 
greater than if the robbery or murder, or other capital crime, had been committed by a citizen on a citizen. 

Art. 9. And if any citizen of the United States of America, or person under llieir protection, shall commit a 
robbery or murder, or other capital crime, on any Indian, such offender shall be punished in the same manner as if 
the robbery or murder, or other capital crime, had been committed on a citizen of the United States of America, and 
the punishment shall be in presence of some of the Creeks, if any will attend; and tliat they may have an opportunity 
so to do, proper notice, if practicable, ot tlie time and place of such intended punishment, shall be sent to some one 
of the tribes. 

Art. 10. It is understood that the punishment of the innocent, under the idea of retaliation, is unjust, and 
shall never be practised on either side. 

Art. 11. The kings, head-men, and warriors, of the Creek nation, will restore to their liberty all prisoners, 
citizens of the United States, now in that nation; and they will also restore all negroes, and all other property taken 
from citizens of the United States, during the late hostilities, to such person or persons as shall be appointed by the 
Governor of the State of Georgia to receive them. 

Art. 12. The Creeks shall give notice to the citizens of the United States, of any designs which they may know, 
or suspect to be formed, in any neighboring tribe, or by any person whosoever, against the peace, free trade, and 
interest, of the United States. 

Art. 13. All animosities for past grievances shall henceforth cease; "and the contracting parties will carry the 
loregoing treaty into full execution, with all good faith and sincerity." , 

After some conversation with Mr. McGillivray, and the other clijefs, upon the business of the day, the commis- 
sioners returned to their quarters, and received the next morning the following note, which was immediately 
answered : -.;•'.. -.y • ' * ■ . " ■ • .. 

"Gextlemex: 

The chiefs were in council until very late last night. The result appears to be, that they are not entirely satis- 
fied with all parts of your talk; tliey object principally to the boundary marked out in the talk; however, it was my 
decision to let the matter stand as it was for the present — tlie hunting season being at hand. The chiefs should take 
care to prevent every act of hostility or depredation on the part of the warriors during the winter, and until we 
heard farther from you on the part of the United States. Tiiey resolve to break up to depart; it would be proper to 
give some presents, that, they may not complain of losing their time, &c. &c. 

I liave the honor to be, your obedient humble servant, 

ALEX. McGILLIVRAY. 

Hon. the Commissioners of the United States of Jlmerica,'^ . • 



\ ■ •■ ■ • ■ ■ ' ■ . ' ■ "Rock Landing, 25/A iS'ep<e7/i6er, 1789. 

"We have received your note of this morning, informing us that the chiefs were in council until very late last 
night: that it appeared they were not entirely satisfied with some parts of our talk; that tliey principally objected to the 
boundary line marked out in it; that, however, it was your decision to let tlie matter stand as it was for the present, 
establisliing, in the mean time, a certain kind of a truce, until you should hear farther from us on the part of the United 
.States. As the chiefs object to some part of our propositions, we have to ask, that tliey will give us in writing the 
only terms upon which they will enter into a ti-eaty with us. We hope and trust that they, will not separate without 
affording us this satisfaction, since we are as well prepared for concluding a treaty now, as we shall be at any other 
time. It is by no means probable, that the United States will send another commission to them. We are not 
authorized to make any presents whatever, unless a treaty of peace shall be concluded. 

,. We have the honor to be, your most obedient humble servants, 

B. LINCOLN, 
. - C. GRIFFIN, 

The Hon. A. McGillivray, Chief of the Creek Nation.'' D. HUMPHREYS. 

During this stage of the business, Mr. McGillivray solemnly promised that he would pass the Oconee, and have 
a full and free conference with the commissioners upon the subject of the negotiations; and not more than an hour 
before his abrupt departure, he repeated the promise to one of them, that he would state his objections to the draught 
of the treaty, either in conversation or writing, the same afternoon. Very soon after this, he sent a verbal message, 
that he was constrained to fall back four or five miles, for the purpose of obtaining better forage for his hOrses; and 
that he hoped that the commissioners Avould not misconstrue his intentions. Yet, to their astonishment, they afterwards 
found tliat he had retreated to a greater distance, under tlie false pretext mentioned in his subsequent letter from 
Oakmulgee. On the 26th, the following letter w as wTitten to Mr. McGillivray. The honorable Mr. Few, appointed 
by the Executive of Georgia to communicate with the commmissioners. General Pickens, and Colonel Saunders, of 
Georgia, going at the same time to Mr. McGillivray's encampment, to convince him of his error, and to persuade 
him to return; the Hallowing king going also, on the part of the Indians. 

"•Rock Landing, 26/A September, \7%9. 

*' Sir: 

We had, on the 24th, the pleasure of presenting to you the sketch of a treaty, wliich appeared to us such an 
one as you could, in justice to yourselves, all circumstances considered, have subscribed to. In your observations 
thereon, )'0U say, that tliere are some parts of our talk to wliich you object^principally to the boundary marked out 
in the talk. In answer to these observations, we informed you that it was our wish you would give us. in writing, 
the terms only upon which you would enter into a treaty with us. And we requested, at the same time, that you 
would not separate without affording us the satisfaction of receiving your final terms. We waited with anxious 
expectation, during the afternoon of yesterday, hoping we should be favored widi them: but. as they have not come to 
hand, and we are informed that you have removed your camp to the distance of fifteen miles, without any intention 
of returning, not remarking on that conduct of yours, which has too much the appearance of a studied neglect of the 
eommissioners, we go on to observe, that, had you given us your objections to the boundaries, that w;ould have 
brought into discussion the validity of former treaties; had it appeared to us, upon a full investigation of this interest- 
ing matter, diat all had not been right, and that full and perfect justice had not been done to the Indians, we should 
have been disposed to have adopted such measures as would have removed all reasonable grounds of complaint. If 



1790.] THE SOUTHERN TRIBES. 75 



you should depart without this inquiry and full discussion of the whole business, it cannot be considered in any 
other point of light, than a refusal to establish any terms of peace whatever. 1 

We have the honor to be, &c. 

B. LINCOLN, 

C. GRIFFIN, 
Tlie Hon. Alex. McGillivray, D. HUMPHREYS. 

Chief of the Creek nation.^- 

In the mean time, all the other kings and head-men, attending at the quarters of the commissioners, addressed 
them through the White Bird king, in the following talk: 

" You are the great men whom we look upon as our brothers, and here are the great men of niv nation, who are 
come to speak to you. We have been here a long time, and we met with you over tlie river in iiiendship; but all 
our people have got tired ; our horses are strayed, and a good many of our people are gone; yet I have persuaded seve- 
ral to stay, to have, once more, a talk with you. 

All the men here, at present, are come to take a peaceable leave of you. As our hunting time is coming on very 
soon, we are come over to hear what you have to say to us. Some of our people are gone up the river to hunt, in 
their way home. I have given orders for them to behave themselves well. If they go on this side the river, not 
to take off any of the white people's horses. I hope tlie whites will also behave themselves well, and not take' our 
horses. If our people do not observe these orders, they shall be seized and sent down to the whites. 

Although nothing should be done at this time about tlie treaty, I hope that it may be done hereafter, and that, in 
the mean time, peace and quietness will be kept on both sides. 

When we get home, all our nation will hear the talks; and they will be peaceable and quiet, for that is the wish 
of them all. 

I have little more to say at present, but that we are not going off affronted, but in peace and friendship. 

It was the intention of our people to do something for bur wives and children, and I tliink it was also the inten- 
tion of the white people. I have nothing more to say, but that, when we part, I hope to shake hands in peace; and 
all our young people are come, that they may shake hands with you also." 

Then the Cussetah king arose, and lighting a pipe, presented it to the commissioners, and said, "'I look upon 
you as fathers and elder brcvthers, and wish to smoKe a pipe with you." 

To which the commissioners answered: ^ . ., • 

" Friends axd Brothers: In answer to your friendly talk, we would say. that, having come fiom a long distance, 
we expected to smoke the pipe of peace and friendship with you, and to bury the hatchet of war forever. 

We hear that your great chief and beloved man, Mr. McGillivray, is gone from his former camp, for which we 
are very sorry. 

The other day we made some propositions for a long peace and friendship. If they were not agreeable to you, 
why did you not tell us.^ and then something else migiit have been proposed. 

Friends and Brothers: We are sent to make a peace, whidi shall be good for all parties. Persuade your 
great chief and beloved man, Mr. McGillivray. to come back and hear us again, tiiat all things may be explained. 
VVe thank you tor your good talk, and we hope you will not return to your nation until we have taken each other 
by the hand, and concluded a lasting peace with all our people, in fiiendship and good faith. We have no more to 
say to you at present." 

On the 27th, we received the following ansvver from Mr. McGillivray, and on the next day we wrote him our last 
letter: 

• '. ■ ' '■ Cami', Oakmu^gee river, 27//t «S'ep/e/nier, 1789. 

"Gentlemen: 

I am favored witii your letter of yesterday, by Weathorford. I beg to assure you, that my retreat from my 
former camp, on the Oconee, was entirely owing to the want of food for our horses, and at tlie earnest entreaty of our 
chiefs. Colonel Humj)hieys and myself, at dlHerent interviews, entered minutely and deeply into the subject of con- 
test between our nation and tlie State of Georgia. I observed to him, that we expected ample and full justice 
should be given us, in restoring to us the encroachments we complained of, in which the Oconee lands are included; 
but finding that there was no such intention, and that a restitution of territory hunting grounds was not to be the 
basis ot a treaty of peace between us. I resolved to return to the nation, referring the matter, in full peace, till next 
spring. Many of the principals having gone hunting, nothing farther can now be d(me. I am very unwell, and 
cannot return. We sincerely desire a peace, but we cannot sacrifice much to obtain it. As for a statement of our 
disputes, the honorable Congress has long ago been in possession of, and has declared that they would decide on 
them in the principles of justice and humanity. 'Tis that we expect. 

I have the honor to be, &c. 

,„, „ , ALEX. McGILLIVRAY. 

rhe Hon. the Commissioners of the United States of America, Rock Landing.'''' 

*'• .^ , ' ^ 

" Rock Landing, 28//i lyeptoiif/-, 1789. 
"Sir: • 

We arc extremely sorry that you would neither give us your objections to our propositions for forming a 
treaty, nor propose such terms as ^lould be acceptable to the Creek nation, if acceded to by us. Colonel Hum- . 
phreys asserts, that he neither told, nor intimated to you, that we had offered any articles in our project of a treaty, ! 
as an ultimatum: all our proceedings evince the same thing. You could not avoid having understood, from our letter 
of the 25th, (which you received previous to your departure from the Oconee, and which you have not yet answer- 
ed) that we were desirous of receiving the terms upon which you and the cliiefs of the Creek nation would enter 
into a treaty with us; you will also be pleased to recollect, that we expressed, at the same time, an earnest hope 
and expectation, that they would not separate without giving us this satisfaction. 

These overtures on our part clearly indicated that we were disposed to make a peace upon any conditions not 
incompatible with the dignity and justice of the United States. Our last letter to you, of the 26th, explained oui 
ideas and wishes, if possible, still more unequivocally, and informed you that, if you should depart without our having 
an opportunity of inquiring into the validity of former treaties, and fully discussing the whole business, it could not 
be considered in any other point of light than a refusal to establish peace upon any terms whatever. 

Your not having done this, leaves it only in our power to return and report a state of facts to the Supreme Execu- 
tive of the United States. To obtain still further information, we shall remain till Monday of next week, at Augusta, 
to which place we invite vou to repair, either in person, or by some agent or agents of the Creek nation, in order to 
be present at the time when we shall attempt to procure farther documents, for establishing facts, as well as to 
give, on your part, all such intelligence, relative to past transactions, as shall be deemed expedient. We pledge 
our public faith and sacred honor for the safe conduct of yourself, or such agent or agents as may be employed by 
your nation, to and from the proposed place of conference. Should you conclude to come yourself, or send an agent 
or agents to the conference at Augusta, the person or persons under that description will be pleasetl to apply lor a 
saleguard to the commanding officer at the Rock Landing, who has our instructions on the subject. In the mean time. 



'8 



76 



INDIAN AFFAIRS. ' [1790. 



we have to inform the Creeks, that the people settled on Cumberland river have just cause of complaint against 
them, because some of them have, during the present year, murdered several iamilies within that distiict; and as 
the Creeks can have no cause of complaint against tliat settlement, we insist that eftectual measures should be taken, 
on your part, to prevent all acts of hostility and plunder in that quarter. 

With due consideration, we have the honor to be, sir, your most obedient servants, 

B. LINCOLN, 

C. GRIFFIN, 

D. HUMPHREYS. 
The Honorable Alexander McGillivray, Chief of the Creek nation.'''' 

On the 28th, we gave a short account of our ptoceedings to the Secretary of War. 

• ' ' "Rock Landing, 28<A iSep^emSer, 1789. 

"Sir:- , , ., . 

-We have the mortification to inform you that tlie parties have separated without forming a treaty. The terms 
which were offered by lis at the commencement of the negotiation, were not agreeable to Mr. McGillivray, but neither 
would he come forward with written objections, or propose any conditions of his own. His verbal communications 
were inadmissible, upon the spirit or words ot our instructions. 

W^e shall have the honor of stating this business very fully at a future day, and are, with the greatest respect 
and esteem, your most obedient humble servants, .' , 

s . . . . B.LINCOLN, 

•• , ,:. . ., -- ;. ■■■ •• •• ■ • C. GRIFFIN, 

• . ■ '' V ^' . D.HUMPHREYS. 

The Honorable the Secretary of War, New York.'''' ..';.."■ •. .. ' 

Having made all the necessary arrangements concerning the goods and stores belonging to the public, we departed 
from tlie Rock Landing, and arrived at Augusta on the 2d of October. The same evening, and early tlie next day, 
we wrote the following letter to the Governor of the State of Georgia: 

. . • ' .' . . ■' . '■ "Augusta, 2d October, 1789. 

"Sir: • ' ■ " ''." . • •' . • • 

We make use of the first tnoment after our arrival to acquaint your honor that we have not been able to con- 
clude a treaty of peace between the United States and the Creek nation. However, positive and repeated assuran- 
ces were given to us by Mr. McGillivray, and all the chiefs of the Creeks present, that the tranquillity which now 
Erevails, shall be inviolably preser^'ed on the part of their people. Being much fatigued with our journey, we cannot 
ave the lionoi- of waitingupon you imtil to-morrow morning, when we shall do ourselves the pleasure of stating 
such further, particulars as may be interesting to the State over which you preside. 

We have the honor to be, sir, your most obedient humble servants, 

... B. LINCOLN, 

.••,.•• ••.".€. GRIFFIN, 

- . . • . •• ••..■': ../D. HUMPHREYS. 

His Honor the Governor of Georgia.'''' ,• i'. -, -.,.■"' " 

• ^' ■^- ■ ■ ••■..'•.* ."Augusta, SfZOdo6er, 1789. 

"Sir: . . ■ " . . . 

As a variety of reports have been circulated throughout the United States, relative to the cnxumstances under 
which the treaties of Augusta, in 1783, at Galphinton, in 1785, and at Shoulderbone, in 1786, were formed; and 
as it is highly important tliat facts should be ascertained, we take the liberty of requesting your honor that you will 
be pleased to assist us in obtaining the information necessary for that purpose. 

The principal points to which our attention has been attracted, are: whether all lands belonging to the Upper and 
Lower Creeks are the common property of the whole nation: or, whether the lands stated to have been ceded to 
Georgia by thetliree treaties, or either of them, were acknowledged by the Upper Creeks to be the sole property of 
the Lower Creeks? 

Whether the acknowledged proprietors of the lands stated to have been ceded to Georgia were present or fully 
represented at the said treaties? 

Whether the Creeks present at the said treaties did act witii a full understanding of the cessions they are stated 
to have made? 

And whether the said treaties and cessions were freely made on the part of the Creeks, uninfluenced by any 
threats or implication of force? 

It is also desirable that any other interesting circumstances comiected with the object of these inquuies should 
be made known to us: for example, whether the Indians did, for any considerable length of time, acquiesce quietly 
in the location and settlement ot the lands in question? 

What value in goods has been given at the several treaties, as presents or compensations for the cessions.' And, 
in effect, whatever other matters may serve to place the conduct of the State of Georgia, on this subject, in its tme 
point of light. . , . ^ 

After being possessed of the written and official documents, we wish to receive oral information from private 
characters who were present at the several transactions before alluded to. 

We have the honor to be, with great respect, sir, your most humble servants, 

B. LINCOLN, 

C. GRIFFIN,! 

_, D. HUMPHREYS. 
H'ls Honor the Governor of Georgia.^^ ' , 

To the preceding letters tlie Governor Avas pleased to send the following answerj also, a return of depredations 
committed by the Indians, and other documents: 

' I ; . "Augusta, October Ath, 1789. 

" Sirs: ' . 

The communications which you were pleased to make to me first after your return fiom the Rock Landing, on the 
2d instant, shall be laid before Council, and made the foundation of a proclamation, the object of which shall be to 
meet and reciprocate the assurances of the chiefs of the Creek Indians, for preserving of peace. , 

With respect to the further particulars stated in your favor of the 3d, I am sorry that so many persons who were 
privy to the transactions to which they allude, are, at this time, engaged in their attendance on the general election, 
whose testimony, were they present, would point to the truth of facts, through all that variety of report which ori- 
ginated equally from private speculation and personal disappointment. I have 5 however, directed such documents 
as are immediately within my power, to be made out for your present information. 

From all the evidences whicli have or sliall be collected, it will be found, that the lands between the mountains 
and the old Ogeechee line, north of the Oconee, were ever equally claimed by the Cherokees and the Creeks; and 
that, by a convention had before the Revolution, the lands comprehended within the limits afterwards called the 
ceded lands, and now Wilkes county, were ceded at the same time, by the heads of the two nations. 

That, during the progress of the late war, the State had been, alternately, attacked by either, and that, at the close 
of it, they were respectively called upon to make some satisfaction. Accordingly, in the spring of 1783, the Chero- 



1790.] THE SOUTHERN TRIBES. 



kees, attended by a few Creeks, came down to Augusta, talked tlie matter over, avowed tlieir claims to the lauds 
in question; agreed to and signed a treaty ; and, in the autumn of the same year, the Creeks, chiefly of the Lower 
towns, also came down; talked their matter' over; avowed their claim; and agreed to and signed a treaty on their 
part, _ whereby the state obtained the relinquishment of the right, or claim of right, of both nations, to the lands 
therein described and bounded. These treaties were laid before the Legislature, witli all that order of business and 
deliberation required by public and fair proceedings, and the lands were divided into counties. The offices were 
opened, and the lands surveyed, granted, felled, settled, and cultivated, in perfect peace. 

The WTiter was present at both these conventions. The first he wrote froni principles previously agreed upon, 
and which were made the foundation of the propositions to tlie Creeks in the fall. 

At neither were there any men in arms, or the smallest coercion used; the conduct of the Indians was voluntary, 
and while, on their part, they were rendering satisfaction, they also received valuable considerations in presents. 

When the treaties were over, it is within his most lively recollection that the commissioners, the chiefs, the citi- 
zens, and the Indians, ate, drank, and reciprocated all the usual marks of friendship, satisfaction, and peace; nor 
was It until a considerable time afterwards, that any umbrage was taken by the Upper Creeks, wheii a new motive 
and principle of direction appealed to have sprung up in tlie nation, which pretended, for the first time, an equal 
claim to the hunting grounds on the Oconee. 

At the treaty of Galphinton, in the year 1785, it is said, some new opinions were disseminated; be tliatas it may, 
tlie ti-eaty, and the testimony respecting tiie conduct of it, sliew plainly, the good intentions of the State upon the 
occasion. The wiiter can say but little thereupon, as his engagements were then in a difti^rent line, which left no 
surplus attention to the otiier departments. In the year 1 786, he was of the Legislature, when tlie arrangements 
took place for tlie convention at Shoulderbone. To doubt the validity of treaties, had become familiar to the 
Indians, as well as to think triflingly of the power of the State. To settle a substantial peace, and to remove tliese 
impressions, formed the objects of Government. The commissioners employed were respectable .men, and the 
officers attending were of service and distinction. A sacrifice of tlieir fame was not to be expected, and it evidently 
appears, that no unworthy use was made of the force \vhich was sent upon the ground. 

In the year 1787, their attacks were renewed, and repeated on almost all our frontiers. These we resisted, 
and called upon the Union for support. 

A superintendent and commissioners were appointed, and all tlieir endeavors have not been effectual to remove 
the cause of the untowardness of that nation, and our citiz.ens iiave continued to be killed and plundered in the 
most cruel and distressing manner, until the late efforts for peace; even the new commission, which the States 
themselves so highly respected, have been treated with an indifference which ouglit not to liave been expected. 
I have the honor to be, sirs, with much estimation, your most obedient servant, 

',. , TT T. T ^ TT GEORGE WALTON. 

10 the Hon. B. Lincoln, C. Griffin, I). Humphreys, Esqrs. Commissioners, ^-c." 

" Return of depredations committed by the Creek Indians since the commencement of hostilities in the State of 

Georgia. 

Whites killed, - - - - - - 72 

Do. wounded, ---... £9 

Do. taken prisoners, ----- 30 

Blacks killed, ------ 10 

Do. taken prisoners, - - - . . \iq 

Horses taken oft', (their value i£3,S95 10s.) - - 184 

Horses taken oftl not valued, .... 459 

Horned cattle taken oft', - . . . . .934 

Hogs destroyed, ---... 337- 

Houses burnt, ----.. gg 

Sundry household furniture, fanning utensils, wearing apparel, &c. desti'oyed. 

" Office of Secretary of Councii,, 5th October, 1789. 

" I do hereby certify, that the above estimate of losses sustained by the Indians, since the commencement of 
hostilities, is taken from the returns made on oatli, and filed in this office. 

J. MERIWETHER, i'ecre^an/Z:. C." 

From Augusta, we sent a second message by General Pickens, to the Cherokees, accompanied by a duplicate of 
our first; we also torwarded many printed copies of the address to the inhabitants bordering on the towns and settle- 
ments of the Cherokee nation, by the same conveyance. 

" Head-mkn and warriors of all the Cherokees: We sent to you a friendly talk from Savannah, about one 
moon past. But lest that should not have reached you all, we now repeat it. We farther inform you, that, altliough a , 
formal treaty of peace has not been concluded with the Creek nation, yet we have received positive and repeated ( 
assurances from them, that the same tranquillity wiiich now prevails, shall be faithfully preserved on their part. i 

Brothers: Had not the hunting season commenced, so as to prevent us from finding you at home, we should j 
have been happy in seeing you personally, before we returneil to tlie far distant white town of Congress. As that ''■ 
will now be impossible, we conclude by cautioning you to beware of listening to bad men, in such manner as to 
interrupt the truce concluded between you and tlie commissioner of North Carolina. 

Now, Brothers, in assuring you that the General Government of the United States will always do you strict 
justice, we bid you farewell. 

Done at Augusta, this 5th day of October, in the year of our Lord 1789, and in the 14th year of the indepen- 
dence of the United States of America. 

B. LINCOLN, 

C. GRIFFIN. 

D. HUxMPHREYS. 
Attest, D. S. Franks, Secretary.'''' - " • 

On tiie 6th of October we left Augusta, and arrived at Richmond on the 29th, Avherc we had the satisfaction to 
meet with Piomingo, the second great chief of the Chickasaws, attended by oUier Indians. With Iiim we had fre^ 
quent talks, at which he gave us tlie strongest assurances of the good disposition of that nation towards the United / 
States, and also of the rooted aversion of the Chickasaws to the whole Creek nation. By this chief, we sent a dupli- • '-''-^ 
cate of our messages to the Chickasaws and to the Choctaws. On the 10th of November, we returned to New York. 
Thus stating the facts in a journal of their transactions. 

The commissioners are decidedly of opinion, that the failure of a treaty at this time with the Creek nation, can 
be attributed only to their principal chief, Mr. Alexander McGillivray— 

1st From the repeated declarations and apparent good disposition of all the kings, head-men, and warriors, to 
estab ish a permanent peace with the United States. 

2d. From the proposed boundary being ofti?red to the gi-eat council of the nation, only as tiie basis of amicable ' 
negotiatmn. 

3d. From the deception and precipitate retreat of Mr. McGillivray, without stating his objections to the 
draught of a treaty, either verbally or in writing. 

11 * ■ • 



78 INDIAN AFFAIRS. [irOO. 



4tli. From many inquiries concerning this man, and from Mr. McGillivray's own declarations: that, without 
obtaining a full equivalent for the sacrifice, he would not renounce the close connexion which he had formed with 
the Spanish Government in the hour of distress — a connexion iionorable and lucrative to himself, and advanta- 
geous to the Creek nation. , , , ,- . • , , 

.5th. From his frequent intimations that no treaty could be formed with the commissioners, unless a free and 
e lusive port should be granted to him upon the Altamaha, or the river St. Mary; and 

6fh. From the most positive refusal toacknowledge the Creek nationtobe within the limits, or under the protection 
the United States; although in express contradiction to a former letter, written by him, on the 5th of September, 
1785, to General Pickens. 

The commissioners beg leave further to report, that, after the most accurate investigation in their power to make, 
after consulting the best tlocuinents, and having recourse to creditable depositions, they are unable to discover but 
that the treaty of Augusta, in the year 1783, the treaty of Galphintoii, in the year 1785, and the treaty of Shoulder- 
bone, in the year 1786, were all of them conducted with as full and autliorized representation, with as much substan- 
tial form, and apparent good faith and understanding of liie business, as Indian treaties have usually been conducted, 
or perhaps can be, where one of the contracting parties is destitute of the benefits of enlightened society. That the 
lands in question did of riglit belong to the Lower Creeks,as their hunting grounds; have been ceded by them to the State 
of Georgia, for a valuabfe consiclefation; and were possessed and cultivated for some years, without any claim or 
molestation by any part of the Creek nation. ^ , , , . , ■ , ■ „ • . „ 

As Mr. M'Gillivray, and all the other chiefs, head-men, and warriors, nave given strong assurances in their talks, 
and by writin", that no further hotilities or depredations shall be committed on the part of their nation; and as the 
Governor of &eorgia, by issuing proclamations, and by other effectual measures, will prevent tlie commission of 
hostilities and depredations upon the Creek nation, on the part of Georgia, the commissioners, in the best of their 
jud<'ment, report, that all animosities with the Creek nation should henceforth cease. 

^ hat some person should be despatched to the said nation, with the ultimate draught of a treaty, to establish per- 
petual peace and amity. That, when such a draught of a treaty shall be properly executed by the leading men of the 
nation all the presents intencled for the Indians, and now in the State ot Georgia, should be distributed among 
them. ' That, if the Indians shall refuse to execute such draught of a treaty, the commissioners humbly submit — 

That the arms of the Union should be called forth for the protection of the people of Georgia, in the peaceable and 
just possession of their lands; and in case the Creeks shall commit further hostilities and depredations upon the 
citizens of the United States, that the Creek nation ought to be deemed the enemies of the United States and 



punished accordingly. 



B. LINCOLN, 
CYRUS GRIFFIN, 
D. HUMPHREYS. 



.A ■v.'.'.v. 



The Commissioners to the Secretary of J far. 

New York, November 20, 1789. 

We made our communications to the Creek nation, and they have refused to conclude a treaty of peace with 
the United States; and, as in this case, we are directed by our instructions to report such plans, botli for defensive 
and offensive measures, as may be thought best to protect the citizens of the United States on the frontiers, in 
obedience to those instructions we ofter the following particulars to your consideration: 

For defensive measures, a line of six posts ought to be established on the frontiers of Georgia, and two at least 
to guard the settlements upon the Cumberland river. Tiie posts to consist of one complete company in each, to be 
covered by works of sufficient strength to resist any sudden impressions of the Indians, and to serve as places of 
deposite, if magazines should hereafter be formed. To them, also, the exposed inhabitants of those countries might 
retire upon the alarm of danger; by this experiment, we should be satisfied how far a line of posts would be adequate 
to give complete protection to tlie citizens of the United States living on the frontiers. 

The stations in Georgia siiould be as follow : One upon the navigable waters of St. Mary; one at Beard's Bluff, upon 
the Altamaha; one at the junction of the Oconee and Oakmulgee; one at the Rock Landing; one at the Middle 
Trading Path; and one at the Upper Trading Path; the two latter at such positions as will be found the most con- 
venient°to protect tiie frontiers. . , • . 

If the offensive plan shall become indispensable, in that case we beg leave to recommend the most vigorous and 
effectual operations, by carrying the arms of the Union into the very heart of the Creek country. By this proceed- 
ing, the Creek nation will be taught to feel the weight and superiority of the United States, and the measure would 
be\-onsistent with the lionor and dignity of the republic. 

The forces necessary upon this occasion siiould consist of five regiments of infantry, seven hundred men to each 
re<fiment; one regiment of cavalry of five hundred men, and a corps of artillery of two hundred and forty men; 
the whole amounting to 4,250. That two regiments of infantry be enlisted from the States of Georgia, South 
Carolina, and North Carolina, if that State should accede to the new constitution— the cavalry from the States of 
Virginia and Maryland, and the remainder of tiie forces from the other States indiscriminately. We are 
induced to recommend only two regiments to be raised from the more southern States, because such a measure would 
probably comprehend all that-class of men, whose inclinations might lead them into the field against such an enemy; 
and because, if the troops should be drawn altogetlier, or principally from tiiese States, and a defeat should unfor- 
tunately take place, it might involve that country for a time in disagreeable consequences; besides, great injury 
might be experienced by calling forth, in the first instance, a large proportion of that body of men, which, from their 
local situation, ought to remain as a reserve. 

From the best intelligence, and from observation, we think that Augusta, ill the State of Georgia, ought to be the 
place of rendezvous. To that town the military and quartermaster's stores might be transported from Savannah, by 
water, in 15 days. A full supply of wagons can be obtained at no great distance from thence, and upon the road, 
towards the Ogechee, whicii might bring with them a load of corn, or flour, each. The route from Augusta to the 
Creek nation is a good one, little more than 200 miles to their first towns, and about 300 miles to their western 
settlements. ,. • 

Two other routes to the Creek nation present themselves. From Beard's Bluff, on the Altamaha, to Flint river, 
the distance about 150 miles, and 70 miles from the Flint river to the Cowetas. 

From Bryant's trading-house, on St. Mary's river, to the Flint river, and from thence to the Cowetas, is nearly 
the like distance as from Beard's Bluff. The navigation is good from the ocean to Beard's Bluff, and to Bryant's 
trading-house — from either of tiiem a tolerable good wagon road may be had into the Creek nation; yet both of 
these routes, particularly while the boats shall be going up the river St Mary's, on the Altamaha, would be attended 
with considerable embarrassment and danger to the troops from the enemy ; and the difficulties, and long distance 
for the wagons, to reach Beard's Bluff, or Bryant's trading-house, would be almost insurmountable. 

In addition to tiie foregoing reports, we were commanded, if possible, to ascertain the following points : Those 
points have been ascertained, from tlie best information in our ability to procure. 

1. The number of warriors, in the whole Creek nation, does not exceed 4,500. 

2. They are armed pretty generally witli good rifles ; they receive their ammunition in presents, and by purchase 
i'rom the Spaniards. t ,-, i iu 

3. The Lower Creeks and Seminoles are about equal to the Upper Creeks, in number; the Lower Creeks rather 
more numerous than the Seminoles. 



ir90.] THE SOUTHERN TRIBES. 7g 



4. The number of old men, women, and children, in the proportion as four to one of the warriors. 

5. The number of towns in each district, could not be ascertained, probably about eighty in the whole, of which 
about forty-five are in the upper country. The towns are very ditterent in magnitude ; and a few, of what are called 
the mother towns, have the principal direction in national aifairs: that is to say. the war towns in war, and the 
white towns in peace. 

6. Mr. McGillivray. of the half breed, is the most influential chief throughout the nation. Among the 
Upper Creeks, the "White Lieutenant has the ascendancy, and is considered, in some respects, as the rival ot Mr. 
McGillivray; the Mad Dog is next in authority. Among the Lower Creeks, the Hallowing king, and the Cussetah 
king— the former commanding the war towns, the latter commanding the white towns— towns unstained with 
blood, and which are towns ol retuge: add to these the Talassee king, the White-bird king, the Fat king, the 
king of the Seminoles, and the king ot the Euchees. 

r. Their kinds of government approach the qualified monarchy. In the towns, they have head-men, who arc 
much respected, and have authority, both in peace and war. in their respective towns: in the districts, they have 
kings or chiefs, and warriors ; the former have their influence in time of peace, and the latter in time of war. Upon 
all important occasions they meet in great council, and deliberate with freedom, paiticularly once a year, at the 
ceremony of theirs/ fruits, called the busking^ when they punish great delinquents, regulate internal policy, and 
form plans for hunting or war the ensuing season. 

8. They are, in a great measure, hunters : however, they cultivate some Indian corn, and potatoes, possess cat- - 
tie and horses, a few slaves, and, lately, in some instances, have introduced the plough. 

9. Of late years, they are not rigidly confined to particular districts for hunting, but are permitted to go, in 
small parties, tiiroughout the whole naflon; yet, pretty generally, they find it convenient to keep within their 
respective divisions. 

10. The kinds of furs are the beaver, otter, mink, fox, squirrel, and some others, together with deer, and other 
skins, the whole amounting, annually, to somewhat more than ^610,000 sterling. Theyare principally sold to the 
Indian traders in the nation, and exported through the Spanish settlements. 

11. The amount of the European goods, annually consumed, is about £12,000 sterling, furnished, principally, 
by the commercial house of which Mr. McGillivray is a partner. 

12. Ginseng abounds in that country, but is not yet gathered in any considerable quantities. 

13. The country of the Lower Creeks and Seminoles is level, sandy, and piney. Tlie country of the Upper 
Creeks much broken, with a good soil and growth : farther to the west, and even to the Slississippu the lands are 
rich, and rather low and marshy, abounding with good streams of water, and excellent timber, such as the oak. 
hickory, bucks-eye, elm, and large gum. &c. &c. 

14. The waters of the Mobile are navigable for large boats: the one branch 270 miles from the ocean. totheHic- 
C017 settlement, where Mr. McGillivray resides, and the western branch is about 320 miles into the t'hoctaw and 
Chickasaw country, and within 50 miles of the great bend of the Tennessee. The waters of the Apalachicola, par- 
ticularly the Flint river and Cataheekee, and the waters of the Altamaha, particularly the rivers Oconee and Oakniul- 
gee, are navigable for boats some hundred miles. From the northern navigable streams of those rivers to the southern 
navigable waters of the Tennessee, there are no establisiicd portages, but the country is level: good roads might easily 
be made, and the greatest distances not more than one hundred miles. 

15. We could not ascertain with precision the nature of the connexion which the Creeks have formed with the 
Spaniards, but, from intelligence somewhat to be relied on, we believe that connexion to consist principally in pay- 
ing less duties upon the gowls imported than the Spaniards tliemselves pay, by a guarantee of all the Creek posses- 
sessions, and by military distinctions and presents to Mr. McGillivray and other considerable chiefs. AVe could 
procure no copy of any treaty subsisting between them. The predominating prejudices of the Creeks are certainly 
adverse to the Spaniards, particularly Mr. McGillivray has ol'ten mentioned and declared, that a connexion with the 
United States would be more natural to tiie Creek nation, if they could obtainsuchconditionsof interest and friend- 
ship as would justify and induce them to break with the Spanish Government. 

16. AV'e had but little opportunity to ascertain similar facts with respect to the other Indians, from our small 
lights upon this article of instruction. We think the (Cherokee nation will be found to contain about 600 gun-men; 
the Chickasaws about 700. and the Choctaws about 3,000. I'heirarms are bad, scarcely any ammunition, and them- 
selves naked. The Cherokees and Chickasaws cultivate t\ie ground more than the other Indians, and possess cattle, 
proportionally, in greater numbers. The Choctaws hunt only, are brave and hardy people in the woods, but indo- 
lent to a great degree at home.. 

In order to preserve the attachment of the several Indian nations bordering upon the United States, it appears to 
us expedient that some adequate means of supplying them with goods and ammuniticm, at moderate prices, should 
immediately be adopted. With our best endeavors to obtain information concerning the internal state of the Choc- 
taws and Chickasaws, we have not been able to succeed fully, so as to justify us in giving any positive opinion upon 
the best mode of effecting this desirable object; however, in conformity with our instructions, we respectfully suggest, ' 
that some uniform plan of gi-anting permits to those wlio may be emp"loyed in the Indian commerce should be esta- 
blished by the supreme authority pt the United States. This would be a part of the duty imposed upon the superin- 
tendent, agent, or commissary, of Indian aftairs, in the Southern department. The fees of office for granting sucli 
permits ought to be moderate, and might be applied towards the payment of salary. An expedient of tliis sort is 
highly requisite to prevent persons of bad character from defrauding the Indians, from making still more untavorable 
impressions upon the inimical tribes, and from alienating the affections ot the friendly tribes from the United States. 
This superintendent, agent, or commissary, by going through the Indian towns of all the different nations, would be 
able to collect such information as might be extremely useful in forming definite plans of trade with those people; 
and, in case of war with the Creek nation, he might be of solid advantage in bring the Choctaws and Chickasaws to 
co-operate with the arms of the United States. 

We have rendered to the treasury of the United States a full account of all our disbursements. The books No. 1 
and 2, we now deposite in your office. Tliey contain invoices of all the articles delivered to us for the proposed treaty, 
and will clearly account for the wholeof them by ascertaining those articles which were necessarily expended, and 
those which now remain in the State of Georgia. 

While we sincerely regret that our negotiations with the Creek nation have not terminated in a treaty of peace, 
we hope it will be found that the commissioners have been as diligent and attentive to the subjects of their mis- 
sion, and as economical in the expenditures of the public money, as the nature of things would permit. 
We have the honor to be, witli sentiments of respect, sir, your most humble servants, 

^ B. LINCOLN, 

f^ CYRUS GRIFFIN, 

77ie Hon. The Secretary of War. D. HUMPHREYS. 

N. B. Tlie commissioners wrote the following letter to Messrs. Pickens and Osborne, during their stay at Rock- 
landing, and received their answer, with sundry papers enclosed, which they deposite in the War Office. 

. Rock Landing, September 26, 1789. 

" Gentlemen: We have received the following articles of instruction from the President of the United States, 
which we do ourselves the honor to communicate to you, and wish to be favored with an answer. 
We are, with great respect, your most obedient servants, 

B. LINCOLN, 

C. GRIFFIN, 
Messrs. Pickens and Osborne." D. HUMPHREYS. 



80 INDIAN AFFAIRS. [Ir90. 



[extract.] 

" You will learn, by the papers delivered to you, that certain goods were left by the commissioners, after the 
treaties of Hopewell, in the commencement of the year 1786. It is probable that these goods may have been deli- 
vered to Messrs. Pickens and Osborne. You will tlierefore apply to the said gentlemen for regular mvoices of all 
the goods in their possession for the treaty, distinguishing the means by which tliey became possessed thereof. 

" You will also request of them an account of the moneys or goods they may have received of the States of South 
Carolina and Georgia, in consequence of the resolves of Congress, of the 26th of October, 1787, and August 14, 1788." 

" Rock Landing, September 26, 1789. 



3Men: In answer to your letter of this date, we do ourselves the honor to enclose a copy of our letter 
s. of Charleston, dated the 20th April last, with a copy of liis answer, dated the 6th of June last. 



" Gextlej 

to Mr. Gervis. „. , , , „ ■ ,^ , 

We do not know of any goods being left at Hopewell. The accounts of moneys received trom the States of South 
Carolina and Georgia, together with an account of the appropriation and expenditures of the same, we have also 
the honor to enclosej tlie vouchers of all which are ready tor your inspection. 
"We have the honor to be, gentlemen, your most obedient servants, 

ANDREW PICKENS, 
H. OSBORNE. 
" Tlie Hon. The Commissmiers for treating with the Indians, south of the Ohio.'''' 



1st CoxGREgs.] No. 10. [2d Session. 



THE CREEKS. 

COMMUNICATED TO THE SENATE, AUGUST 4, 1790. 

Gentlemen of the Senate: 

In consequence of the general principles agreed to by the Senate in August, 1789, the adjustment of the 
terms of a treaty is far advanced, between the Umted States and the chiefs of the Creek Indians, now in- this city, 
in behalf of themselves and the whole Creek nation. , :, , 

In preparing the ai-ticles of this treaty, the present arrangements of the trade with the Creeks have caused much 
embarrassment. It seems to be well ascertained, that the said trade is almost exclusively in the hands of a company 
of British merchants, who, by agreement, make their importations of goods from England, into the Spanish ports. 

. As the trade of the Indians is a main mean of their political management, it is therefore obvious, tliat the United 
States cannot possess any security for the performance of treaties \vith the Creeks, while their trade is liable to be 
interrupted or withheld, at the caprice of two foreign Powers. 

Hence it becomes an object ot real importance, to form new chan&els for the commerce of the Creeks through 
tlie United States. But this operation will require time, as the present arrangements cannot be suddenly broken, 
without the greatest violation of faith and morals. 

It therefore appeal's to be important, to form a secret article of a treaty, similar to the one which accompanies 
this message. 

If the Senate should require any further explanation, the Secretary of War wA\ attend them for that purpose. 

, • GEO. WASHINGTON. 

United States, ,5w^s/ 4, 1790. 

The President of the United States submitted the following question, for the consideration and adrice of the 
Senate: 

If it should be found essential to a treaty, for the fiiTn establishment of peace with the Creek nation of Indians, 
that an article to the following eifect should be inserted therein, will such an article be proper? viz. 

SECRET article. 

The commerce necessary for tlie Creek nation shall be carried on through the ports, and by tlie citizens of the 
United States, if substantial and eflfectual arrangements shall be made for that purpose, by the United States, on or 
before the first day of August, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-tvvo. In the mean time, the said commerce 
may be carried on through its present channels, and according to its present regulations. 

And whereas the trade of the said Creek nation is now carried on wholly, or principally, through the territories 
of Spain, and obstructions thereto may happen by war, or prohibitions of the Spanish government. 

It is therefore agreed between the said parties, that in the event of any such obstructions happening, it shall be 
lawful for such persons as the President of the United States shall designate, to introduce into, and transport through, 
the territories of the United States, to the countiy of the said Creek nation, any quantity of goods, wares, and mer- 
chandise, not exceeding in value in any one year, sixty thousand dollars, and that free from any duties or impositions 
whatsoever; but subject to such regulations, for guarding against abuse, as the United States shall judge necessaiy; 
which privilege shall continue as long as such obstruction snail continue. 



1790.] THE CREEKS. 31 



1st CoxGREss.] .: No, 11. ■ , [2d Session. 

THE CREEKS. 

COMMUNICATED TO THE SENATE, AUGUST 6, 1790. 

Gentlemen of the Senate: . ' 

Considering tiie circumstances which prevented tlie late commissioners from concluding a peace with the 
Creek nation of Indians, it appeared to me most prudent, that all subsequent measures for disposing them to a treaty- 
should in the first instance be informal. 

I informed you on the 4th inst. that the adjustment of the terms of a treaty with their chiefs, now here, was tar 
advanced; such further progress has since been made, tliat I tliink measures may at present be taken for conducting 
and concluding that business in form. It therefore becomes necessary that a proper person be appointed and 
authorized to treat with their chiefs, and to conclude a treaty with them. For this purpose, I nominate to you 
Henry Knox. 

' . GEO. WASHINGTON. 

United States, August 6th, 1790. • 



1st Congress.] No. 12. [2d Session. 



THE CREEKS. 

communicated to the senate, august 7, 1790. 

Gentlemen of the Senate: 

I lay before you a treaty between the United States and the chiefs of the Creek nation now in this city, 
in behalf of themselves and the whole Creek nation, subject to the ratification of the President of the United States, 
with the advice and consent of the Senate. 

While I flatter myself that this treaty will be productive of present peace and prosperity to our southern frontier, 
it is to be expected that it will also, in its consequences, be the means of fir;nly attacliing the Creeks and the neigh- 
boring tribes to the interests of the United States. 

At the same time it is to be hoped, that it will afford solid grounds of satisfaction to the State of Georgia, as it 
contains a regular, full, and definitive relinquishment, on the part of the Creek nation, of the Oconee land, in the 
utmost extent in which it has been claimed by that State, and thus extinguishes the principal cause of those hostili- 
ties, from which it has, more than once, experienced such severe calamities. 

But. although the most valuable of the disputed land is included, yet there is a certain claim of Georgia, arising 
out of the treatj' made bv that State at Galphinton, in November, 1785, of land to the eastward of a new temporary 
line, from the lorks of the Oconee and OakmuJgee, in a southwest direction to the St Mary's river, which tract of 
land the Creeks in this city absolutely refuse to yield. 

Tliis land is reported to be generally barren, sunken, and unfit for cultivation, except in some instances on tlie 
margin of the rivers, on which, by improvement, rice might be cultivated; its cliief value depending on the timber 
fit for the building of ships, with which it is represented as abounding. 

While it is thus circumstanced on the one hand, it is stated by the Creeks, on the other, to be of the highest 
importance to them, as constituting some of their most valuable winter hunting ground. 

I have directed the commissioners, to whom the ciiarge of adjusting this treaty lias been committed, to lay before 
you such papers and documents, and to communicate to you such information relatively to it, as you may require. 

,, „ , GEO. WASHINGTON. 

United States, August 7, 1790. 

[Note. The papers that may have been communicated, were returned; but are believed to be substantially tlie 
same with those ot No. 9 of this series. ] 



A Treaty of peace and friendship, made and concluded hetiveen the President of the United States of America, on 
the part and behalf of the said Slates, and the undersigned kings, chiefs, and warriors, of the Creek nation of 
Indians, on the part and behalf of the said nation. 

The parties being desirous of establishing permanent peace and friendship between the United States and the 
said Creek nation, and the citizens and members thereof, and to remove the causes of war by ascertaining their 
limits, and making other necessary, just, and friendly arrangements, the President of the United States, by Henry 
Knox, Secretary tor the Department of War, whom he hath constituted with full powers for these purposes, by 
and with tlie advice and consent of the Senate of the United States, and the Creek nation, by the undersigned kings, 
chiefs, and warriors, representing the said nation, have agreed to the following articles: 

Article 1.- There shall be perpetual peace and fnendship between all the citizens ot the United States of 
America, and all the individuals, towns, and tribes, of the Upper, Middle, and Lower Creeks and Seminoles, 
composing the Creek nation of Indians. 

Art. 2. The undersigned kings, chiefs, and wairiors, for themselves, and all parts of the Creek nation -within 
the limits of the United States, do acknowledge themselves, and the said parts of the Creek nation, to be under the 
protection of the United States of America, and of no other sovereign whosoever; and they also stipulate, that the 
said Creek nation will not hold any treaty with an individual State, or with individuals of any State. 

Art. 3. The Creek nation shall deliver, as soon as practicable, to the commanding officer of the troops of the 
United States, stationed at the Rock Landing on the Oconee river, all citizens of the United States, white inhabitants 
or negroes, who are now prisoners in any part of the said nation. And if any such prisoners or negroes sliould not 
be so delivered, on or before the first day of June ensuing, the Governor of Georgia may empower three persons to 
repair to the said nation, in order to claim and receive such prisoners and negroes. 

Art. 4. The boundary between the citizens of the United States and the Creek nation, is, and shall be, from 
-where the old line strikes the river Savannah; thence, up the said river, to a place on the most northern branch of 
the same, commonly called the Keowee, where a northeast line, to be drawn from the top of the Occunna mountain 
shall intersect; thence, along the said line, in a southwest direction to Tugelo river; thence, to the top of the Cur- 
rahee mountain; thence to the head or source of the main south branch of the Oconee river, called the Appalachee: 



82 INDIAN AFFAIRS. [1790. 

thence, down the middle of the said main south branch and river Oconee, to its confluence with the Oakmulgee, 
which form the river Altamaha; and thence, down the middle of the said Altamaha, to the old line on the said river; 
and thence, along the said old line, to the river St. Mary's. 

And in order to preclude forever all disputes relatively to the head or source of the main south branch of the 
river Oconee, at the place where it shall be intersected by the line aforesaid, from the Currahee mountain, the same 
shall be ascertained by an able surveyor, on the part of the United States, who shall be assisted by three old citizens 
of Georgia, who may be appointed by the Governor of the said State, ana three old Creek chiefs, to be appointed by 
the said nation; and the said surveyor, citizens, and chiefs, shall assemble for this purpose on the first day of 
October, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-one, at the Rock Landing on the said nver Oconee, and thence 
proceed to ascertain the said head or source of the main south branch of the said river, at the place where it shall be 
intersected by the line aforesaid, to be drawn from the Currahee mountain. And in order that the said boundary 
shall be rendered distinct and well known, it shall be marked by a line of felled trees at least twenty feet wide, 
and the trees chopped on each side, from the said Currahee mountain to the head or source of the said main south 
branch of the Oconee river; and thence, down the margin of the said main south branch and river Oconee, for the 
distance of twenty miles, or as much farther as may be necessary to mark distinctly the said boundary. And in 
order to extinguish forever all claims of the Creek nation, or any part thereof, to any of the land lying to the nortfi- 
ward and eastward of the boundary herein described, it is hereby agreed, in addition to the considerations heretofore 
made for the said land, that thie United States will cause certain valuable Indian goods, now in the State of Georgia, to 
be delivered to the said Creek nation; and the said United States will also cause the sun\ of one thousand and five 
hundred dollars to be paid annually to the said Creek nation. And the undersigned kings, chiefs, and warriors, 
do hereby, for themselves and tlie whole Creek nation, their heirs, and descendants, for the considerations above- 
mentioned, release, quit claim, relinquish, and cede, all the land to the northward and eastward of the boundary 
herein described. 

Art. 5. The United States solemnly guaranty to the Creek nation, all their lands within the limits of the 
United States, to the \yestward and soutliward of the boundary described by tlie preceding article. 

Art. 6. If any citizen of the United States, or other person, not being an InJian, shall attempt to settle on any 
of the Creeks' lands, such person shall forfeit the protection of the United States, and the Creeks may punish him 
or not, as they please. 

Art. 7. No citizen or inhabitant of the United States shall attempt to hunt or destroy the game on the Creek 
lands; nor shall any such citizen or inhabitant go into the Creek country, without a passport first obtained from the 
Governor of some one of the United States, or the officer of the troops of the United States commanding at the 
nearest military post on the frontiers, or such other person as the President of the United States may, from time to 
time, authorize to grant the same. 

Art. 8. If any Creek Indian or Indians, or person residing among them, or who shall take refuge in their 
nation, shall commit a robbery or murder, or other capital crime, on any of the citizens or inhabitants of tlie United 
States, the Creek nation, or town, or tribe, to which such offender or offenders may belong, shall be bound to 
deliver him or them up, to be punished according to the laws of the United States. 

Art. 9. If any citizen or inhabitant of the United States, or of either of the tenitorial districts of the United 
States, shall go into any town, settlement, or territory, belonging to the Creek nation of Indians, and shall there 
commit any crime upon, or trespass against, the person or property of any peaceable and friendly Indian or Indians, 
which, if committed w;ithin the jurisdiction of any Stat€, or within the jurisdiction of either of the said districts, 
against a citizen or white inhabitant thereof, would be punishable by the laws of such State or district, such offender 
or offenders shall be subject to the same punishment, and shall be proceeded against in the same manner, as if the 
offence had been committed witliin the jurisdiction of the State or district to which he or they may belong, against a 
citizen or white inhabitant thereof. 

Art. 10. In cases of violence on the persons or property of the individuals of either party, neither retaliation 
nor reprisal shall be committed by the other, until satisfaction shall have been demanded of the party of which the 
aggressor is, and shall have been refused. 

Art. 11. The Creeks shall give notice to the citizens of the United States, of any designs which they may know 
or suspect to be formed in any neighboring tiibe, or by any person whatever, against the peace and interests of the 
United States. 

Art. 12. That the Creek nation may be led to a greater degree of civilization, and to become herdsmen and 
cultivators, instead of remaining in a state of hunters, the United States will, from time to time, furnish gratuitously 
the said nation with useful domestic animals, and implements of husbandry. And further, to assist the said nation 
in so desirable a pursuit, and at the same time to establish a certain mode of communication, the United States will 
send such, and so many persons, to reside in said nation, as they may judge proper, and not exceeding four in num- 
ber, who shall qualify themselves to act as interpreters. These persons shall have lands assigned them by the 
Creeks for cultivation, for themselves and their successors in office; but they shall be precluded exercising any 
kind of traffic. 

Art. 13. All animosities for past grievances shall henceforth cease; and the contracting parties vnW carry the 
foregoing treaty into full execution, -with all good faith and sincerity. 

Art. 14. This treaty shall take eflect. and be obligatory on the contracting parties, as soon as the' same shall 
have been ratified by President of the the United States, w ith the advice and consent of the Senate of the United 
States. 

_ In witness of all and every thing herein determined, between the United States of America and the whole Creek 
"" nation, the parties have hereunto set their hands and seals, in the city of New York, within the United 
States, this 7th day of August, 1790. 

In behalf of the United States: 
. ' . H. KNOX, 

■ ' ■ ' Secretary of War, and sole Commissioner for treati?ig ivith the Creek nation of Indians. 

ALEX. McGILLIVRAY, 

And twenty-three chiefs and warriors, in behalf of themselves and the whole Creek nation of Indians. 



,! I}';,. .'Hi.^tt', •: -i -' 'If 



1790.] THE CHEROKEE AND NORTHWESTERN TRIBES. 83 



1st Congress.] No. 13. ■■■ [2d Session. 



THE CHEROKEES. 

COMMUNICATED TO THE SENATE, AUGUST 11, 1790. 

Gentlemen of the Senate: , . 

Although the treaty with the Creeks may be regarded as the main foundation of the future peace and pros- 
perity of the southwestern frontier of the United States, yet, in order fully to effect so desirable an object, the trea- 
ties which have been entered into with the other-tribes in that quarter, must be faitlifuUy performed on our parts. 

During the last year, I laid before the Senate a particular statement of the case of the Cherokees. By a reference 
to that paper, it will appear that the United States formed a treaty with the Cherokees in November, 1785: That the 
said Cherokees thereby placed themselves under the protection of the United States, and had a boundaiy assigned 
them: 

That the white people settled on the frontiers had openly violated the said boundary by intruding on the Indian 
lands: ' . ■ 

That the United States, in Congress assembled, did, on the first day of September, 1788, issue their proclamation, 
forbidding all such unwarrantable intrusions, and enjoining all those who had settled unon the hunting grounds of 
the Cherokees, to depart with their families and effects without loss of time, as they would answer their disobedience 
to the injunctions and prohibitions expressed, at their peril. 

But information has been received, that, notwitlistanding the said treaty and proclamation, upwards of five hun- 
dred families have settled on the Cherokee lands, exclusively of those settled between the fork of French Broad 
and Holston rivers, mentioned in the said treaty. 

As the obstructions to a proper conduct on tnis matter have been removed since it was mentioned to the Senate 
on the 22d of August, 1789, by the accession of North Carolina to the present Union, and the cessions of the land 
in question, I shall conceive myself bound to exert the powers entrusted to me by the cimstitution, in order to carry 
into faidiful execution the treaty of Hopewell, unless it shall be thought proper to attempt to arrange a new boundary 
with the Cherokees, embracing the settlement^, and compensating the Cherokees for the cessions they shall make on 
the occasion. On this point, tlierefore, I state the following questions, and request the advice of the Senate thereon: 

1st Is it the judgment of the Senate that overtures shall be made to the Cherokees to arrange a new boundary, 
so as to embrace the settlements made by the white peojile since the treaty of Hopewell, in November, 1785.*^ 

2d. If so, shall compensation, to the amount of dollars, annually, or of dollars, in gross, be made to the 

Cherokees for the land they shall relinquish, holding the occupiers of the land accountable to the United States for 
its value? 

3d. Shall the United States stipulate solemnly to guaianty the new boundary which may be arranged.'' 

GEO. WASHINGTON. 
United States, ^j/gi«Ml, 1790. 

The Senate thereupon adopted the following resolutions: 

Resolved, That the Senate do advise and consent, that the President of the United States do, at his discretion, 
cause the treaty concluded at Hopewell, with the Cherokee Indians, to be carried into execution according to the 
terms thereof, or to enter into arrangements for such further cession of territory, from the said Cherokee Indians, as 
the tranquillity and interest of the United States may require: FroiuV/ef/, The sum which maybe stipulated to be paid 
to the said Cherokee Indians, do not exceed one thousand dollars aiirmally; and Provided further. That no person 
who shall have taken possession of any lands within the territory assigned to the said Cherokee Indians, by the 
said treaty of Hopewell, shall be confirmed in any such possessions, but by compliance with such terms as Congress 
may hereafter prescribe. 

Resolved, In case a new. or other boundary than that stipulated by the treaty of Hopewell, shall be concluded 
with the Cherokee Iiuiians, that the Senate do advise and consent solemnly to guaranty the same. 



1st Congress.] ' . ' No. 14. ■ ■ [3d S 



ESSION. 



NORTHWESTERN INDIANS. 

COMMUNICATED TO CONGRESS ON THE 9tH OF DECEMBER, 1790, 

Jlnd referred to by the President of the United Slates in his speech to Congress of December 8 , of which the 

following is an extract: 

" It has been heretofore known to Congress, that frequent incursions haye been made on our frontier settlements 
by certain banditti of Indians from the northwest side ot the Ohio. These, with some of the tribes dwelling on, and 
near, the Wabash, have of late been particularly active in their depredations; and, being emboldened by the impu- 
nity of their crimes, and aided by such parts of the neighboring tribes as could be seduced to join in their hostilities, 
or affind them a retreat for their prisoners and plunder, they have, instead of listening to the humane invitations and 
overtures made on the part of the United States, renewed their violences with fresh alacrity, and greater effect. 
The lives of a number ot valuable citizens have thus been sacrificed, and some of them under circumstances pecu- 
liarly shocking; whilst others have been carried into a deplorable captivity. 

"■ These aggravated provocations rendered it essential to the safety of the western settlements, that the agressors 
should be made sensible that the government of the Union is not less capable of punishing their crimes, than it is 
disposed to respect their rights and reward their attachments. As this object could not be eftt^cted by defensive 
measures, it became necessary to put in force the act which empowers the President to call out the militia for the 
protection of the frontiers; and f have, accordingly, authorized an expedition, in which the regular troops in that 
quarter are combined with such draughts of militia as were deemed sufficient: the event of the measure is yet 
unknown to me. The Secretary of War is directed to lay before you a statement of the information on which it is 
founded, as well as an estimate of the expense with which it will be attended." 



84 INDIAN AFFAIRS. [179G. 

War Department, December 8th, 1790. 
Sir: 

In obedience to the orders of the President of the United States, I have the honor respectfully to submit to the 
Senate, a statement of the information on which the expedition against the Indians northwest of the Ohio has 
been founded, and also the instructions to tlie Governor of the Western territory, and the commanding officer 
of the troops relative to the same object; together with an estimate of the expense with which the expedition will 
probably be attended. 

I have the honor to be, with great respect, sir, your most obedient and very humble servant, 

H. KNOX, Secretary of War. 
The Honorable the President of the Senate of the United States. 



Information relative to depredations of the Indians Northwest of the Ohio. 

John Evans, Lieutenant of the county of Monongalia, to the Executive of Virginia, 25th April, 1789. 

On the 23d instant the Indians committed hostilities on the frontiers of this county, killed a captain William 
Thomas, Joseph Cornbridge and wife, and two children on Dunker's Creek, which has alarmed the people in such 
a degree as to occasion them to apply to me for assistance. 



William McClery to the Governor of Virginia. 

Morgantown, 25th Jlpril, 1789. 

An express came here this morning with the disagreeable news of the Indians having committed hostilities on 
one of our frontier settlements on the 23d instant; two parties attacked, nearly about the same sime, two families on 
Dunkard Creek, about twenty to twenty-five miles from this place, and killed one man out of one, and the man 
and his wife and two children, which was the whole of the other family; the alarm given to the frontier of this 
county generally by this murder, hath become very serious, and unless some speedy assistance is given, I am some- 
thing of opinion, that the Monongahela river (which runs by (his place) will be our frontier line in a short time. 



Geo. Clenditien to the Governor of Virginia. 

'• '■''■.''••:- Greenbrier, \5th June, 1789. ■ 

I am also unhappy to find that the Executive have received no official information respecting tlie disposition of 
the Indians westward of the Ohio; but let their disposition be what it mayi, they, or some Indians to us unknown, 
since my last, by Mr. Renick, have killed and taken ten prisoners from the settlement on Clinch, and also several 
persons at the mouth of Great Sandy, and I have reason to expect their blows hourly on Kenhawa. 



Robert Johnson, Lt. of the County of Woodford, to the President of the United States. 

District of Kentucky, 22d August, 1789. 

About the 10th instant, two men were fired on by a party of Indians, but no damage sustained; only one of 
the horses the men rode was killed; the Indians took the saddle and bridle, and the night following, they stole eleven 
horses; our men pursued them, next day came up with them, and retook all tlie horses, together with the said saddle 
and bridle, and killed two (one of which was a white man.) On Sunday, the I6th, six negroes were taken by a 
party of Indians in ambuscade, about three quarters of a mile from my house; they carried them about one quarter 
of a mile, where they were surprised by the noise of some people riding near them; they tomahawked four, two of 
which died, two were left for dead, wnich are now in a hopetul way of recovery; the other two made their escape 
while they were murdering the rest. The day following, the party was seen twice, and the evening or night of the 
sixteenth they stole some horses from Captain Buford; we pursued them as quick as possible, with about forty men, 
to the Ohio, about twenty -five miles below the mouthof Big Miami, where twenty-six volunteers crossed the Ohio 
alter them; we came to a large camp of them, early in the morning of the 20th, about twelve miles froin the Oliio; 
we divided our party, and attacked them opposite, on each side; tliey fouglit us a short time in that position, until 
they got their women and children out of the way, and then gave back to a thick place ;of liigh weeds and bushes, 
where they hid veiy close; we immediately drove up about forty of their horses, and made our retreat across the 
Ohio. We lost three men and two wounded. The Indians wounded one of our men as we returned. Thus they 
are going on from time to time in tliis country. 



. ':'. '\M ,'■: ■'.-,' ;;•.«:■ •, ^e Convention to the President of the United States. 

Danville, 2&th July, 1789. 

We can assure your Excellency thai the militia of Kentucky, from tlieir hardiness, alertness, and bravery, are 
able to render essential service to the inhabitants of the district, if they are employed in its defence. 

And we beg leave further to observe, that, from the present station of the federal troops, it is absolutely impos- 
sible to give the commanders notice, so as to enable them, even if tlieir force was sufficient, to render any service 
whatever. 



•ii'dii 



Robert Johnson, County Lieutenant, to the Governor of Virginia. 

District of Kentucky, Woodford County, August 22d, 1789.. 

The hostile acts of the savages are so frequent in our country that it becomes troublesome to write you on 
every occasion. On the 10th of this instant, a party fired on a young man in this county, near tlie settlement, killed 
the horse, and took the saddle and bridle, and stole some horses, tne night following. We were in motion, early 
next morning, and soon found their trail, and came up with them and retook the horses, and killed two of them, one 
of which was a wiiite man; the I6tli following, a party took six negroes within a mile of my house, killed two, 
wounded two widi their tomahawks, and left tliem for dead, and the other two made their escape while they were 
murdering the rest. The second night after, they stole some horses. About forty men foUoAved them to tlie Oliio, 



irgo.] THE NORTHWESTERN INDIANS. 35 



and twenty-six crossed the river and followed them over the Ohio, about twelve nules, where we came up with a 
party at a large camp, making salt at a salt spring; we divided the party, and attacked them on eacii side; they soon 
gave back; we took some of tlieir horses, and returned to the Ohio, where we crossed. We lost three men killed 
and two wounded. 



Jin account of the depredations committed in the District of Kentucky, by the Indians, since the first of May, 1789. 




killed 

Chinoweth' 

supper. Three of Chinoweth's family were killed and seven wounded. Three of the wounded are since dead,"and 

several others yet dangerous. The Indians plundered the house of every tiling they could carry away. There' was 

at the same station, before this date, one man killed and one wounded. Tiie number of horses stolen from this 

county exceeds twenty. 

Nelson. — Two men killed and two wounded, and a number of horses stolen, to tlie amount of about twenty. 

Lincoln. — One man and one child killed aryl two women wounded; about twenty-five horses stolen. 

Madison.— On the first day of June, the Indians broke into the house of Edmond Stephenson, and wounded 
one person; they have stolen a number of horses from this county. 

Bourbon. — Two men have been badly wounded^and about fifteen horses stolen. 

Mason. — Two men killed and forty-one horses stolen. 

Woodford. — One boy killed and several horses stolen. 



• Colonel Benjamin Wilson to Governor St. Clair. , 

H.\RRisoN County, Ath October, 1789. 

On the 19th of September last, a party of Indians killed and scalped four persons, and captured four; the 
family of a certain William Johnston, within about nine miles of Clarksburg. On the 22d, the Indians killed John 
Mauk's wife and two of his children, and burnt his house; the same evening, Durnt Jacob Flotzer's house; the family 
hardly escaped. On the 23d, burnt Jethro Thompson's house; and on the 26th, burnt John Simnvs house; and on 
the 28th, stole from Randolph county, ten or eleven horses. The number of horses taken from this county, is not 
yet truly ascertained: but certain, five horses taken — cattle, sheep, and hogs killed. Some part of this mischief 
done eleven or twelve miles in towards the interior parts of this county. Sii-, be assured, the people of this part of 
the county are much alarmed and much confused; and in my humble opinion, if something more tnan treaties made 
with part of the Indian tribes, is not done shortly, it will be with difticulty the frontiers of tliis county can be kept 
froin evacuating their settlements. This opinion I have gathered from my having taken a tour amongst the people, 
whilst tlie miscTiief was doing. 



Geo. Clendinen, Lieut, of the county of Kenhawa, to the President of the United States. 

Richmond, 27th December, 1789. 

The Indians have, in the county of Kenhawa, committed many hostilities, some of which, Ij beg leave to 
enumerate. They killed a man ne;ir Point Pleasant: took a young man. and'a negro fellow, prisoners; have shot at 
others, who made their escape; and have taken bet\yeen twenty and thirty head ot horses, together with many other 
outrages, to the manifest injury and distress of the inhabitants. 

If protection is not immediately given, I am sure the greater part of our frontier will be compelled to leave 
their homes,?and either live in forts or move into the strong settled parts of the neighboring counties, which I con- 
ceive would do great public injury, as well as distress, in a great degree the inhabitants that are thus exposed, who 
are situated in a part of tlie country not only to become respectable but very useful. 



Address of the General Assembly of Virginia to the President of the United States. 

It has been a great relief to our apprehensions for the safety of our brethren on the frontiers, to learn from 
the communications of the Secretary of War, that their protection against the incursions of the Indians has occu- 
pied your attention. 

Knowing the power of the Federal Executive to concentrate the American force, and confiding in the wisdom 
of its measures, we should leave the subject unnoticed, but from a belief that time has been wanting to give the 
proper intelligence, and make the necessary arrangements of defence, for a country so far remote from the seat of 
Government. 

Many members of the General Assembly now present, have been either witnesses of the recent murders and 
depredations committed by the savages, or have brought with them information, the truth of which cannot be ques- 
tioned. It is unnecessary to enter into a detail of those hostilities. Permit us only to say, that those parts of Ken- 
tucky, and the southwestern and northern counties, lying on the Ohio and its waters, which have generally been 
the scene of Indian barbarity, are now pressed by danger the most imminent. 

^ye have been induced to suppose it possiblcj that, for the purpose of affording effectual relief, it may be found 
expedient to carry war into the country of the Indian enemy. Should this be the case, we take the liberty of assur- 
ing you, that this Commonwealth will cheerfully sustain her proportion of the expenses which may be incurred in 
such an expedition. 



•' From the Representatives of the frontier counties of Virginia, to the President of the United States. 

Richmond, llth December, 1789. 

In addition to the address of the General Assembly on Indian Aftairs, we, the representatives of the counties 
of Ohio, Monongalia, Harrison, and Randolph, are constrained to take the liberty of stating to j'ou the defence- 
less situation of those counties, in order that you may be able to direct such measures as may oe necessary for their 
defence, as we have every reason to expect that the Indians will break in upon our settlements as soon as the weather 
will permit them in the spring. First, from the northern boundary line, where it croses the Ohio river at the mouth 
of the Little Beaver creek, down the said river to the mouth of Big Sandy creek, distant about three hundred 
miles, we lay open to the ravages of the Indians, who may attack our settlements in any quarter they may 
choose. It may here be supposed, that the troops stationed at Muskingum would check their progress in this busi- 
ness; but experience hath taught us, that they are of very little use, tor we find, that the Indians cross tJie river 
Ohio, both above and below that garrison, undiscovered either on their way to our country or returning to their own. 
12 ♦ 



gg INDIAN AFFAIRS, {1790. 



i \n(l indeed, such will always be our fate, until more effectual measures are adopted for our defence. It may be 
J further supposed, that General St. Clair can grant all the relief that is necessary for our safety. In answer to 
which we beg leave to observe, that, although we have the highest opinion ot that gentleman's integrity and good- 
^ ness, yet. from liis necessary calls to visit tlie different posts on the Ohio river, even as low down as the Rapids, 
' we fear it will be out of his power to render us the necessary aid; besides, it is impracticable for us to find him in 
tlie hour of distress. We further beg leave to suggest, that, whilst our operations were confined to a defensive plan 
only we have ever found the greatest degree of safety to our country arising from keeping out scouts and rangers on our 
frontiers. Indeed, it was owing to that plan, and that only, that large tracts ot our country have not, long ere now, 
been depopulated. These scouts and rangers were composed of our own militia, on whom our people could, with 
confidence, depend, as they are well acquainted with our woods, and with the paths the Indians use to come in upon 
our settlements. Whilst we were thus covered, we lived in perfect security, but as soon as they were withdrawn 
last spring, we immediately felt the effects of Indian cruelty: for, from the month of April last, to the month of 
October at whicli time we left iiome, there were killed and captured twenty persons — a considerable number of 
horses and other property carried off", and several houses burnt in our country. All military regulations being sub- 
■nitted to you, we therefore beg leave to suggest our wishes, that you would continue to us the aforesaid mode of 
defence, should you approve of it, or direct such other measures as you, in your wisdom, may think more advis- 
able to be continued in our country, until it may be thought necessary to carry on offensive war into the enemy's 
country to bring about a lasting peace. Suffer us further to assure you, that we, on the behalf of our bleeding 
country' look up to you, and to you only, for that assistance that our necessities require, and shall conclude with 
praying 'that the great Parent of the universe mav conduct you under the eye of his special providence, enabling 
you to fill that exalted station to wliich he hath called you, as well for the good of your tellow citizens, as also for 
the happiness of mankind, so far as they come within the bounds of your atlministration. 

We have the honor to be, witli ^ ery great regard and esteem, your Excellency's most ob't servants, 

JOHN P. DUVALL, ^na^or. 
V. . : WILLIAM M ACM AHON, 7 ^,. 

ARCHIBALD WOODS, ^ ^'^^°- 



WILLIAM M'CLEERY, 7 Monon'rdia. 
THOMAS PINDALL, 5 ^*^'"*'"^^'«'«- 
JOHN PRUNTY, 7 iy„„„.-„„„ 
GEO. JACKSON, 5 -««'^"*"»- 
JONA. PARSONS, 7 t)„^.i^i^i, 
CORN. BOGARD, ^: -"anaoipn. 



Governor St. Clair to the Secretary of War. "■ ' ■" • ' ' 

.'■ . . Fort Steuben, 2,6th January, 1790. 

Bv a note this moment received from Louisville, I am informed that the Indians have killed three men, witiiin 
twelve miles of Danville, at Carpenter's Station, and three more, and broke the settlement up, upon Russell's creek, 
•ibout forty miles from the same place ; some people who had been hunting on this side the nver, about six miles below 
Limestone, were fired upon by Indians, and one man killed; just almost at the time Major Doughty was passing; 
he landed and pursued them, but in vain. 



Hon. Harry Innes, Judge for the District of Kentucky, to the Ho7i. Jno. Brown. 

*' ■ ^ ' .■ '^ ■ ■ . Danville, 13</t il/arcA, 1790. 

In the month of January, a boat with ten persons were cut off", about sixteen miles above Limestone; nine found 
dead in the boat, and one woman missing; during the massacre, a boy, who was a prisoner, made Ins escape; he was 
up Licking, being out with two men on a hunting party, who were killed. Three men were killed about the same 
tinie in the wilderness, between Rickland creek and Stinking creek; on the road two escaped. Old John Sloan and his 
son were killed on the head of the Rolling fork; one man killed on Holm. A station on Russell's creek was attacked 
■iboutthe 25th ot the month; Isaac and Nathan Farris, a son of Isaac Farris. John Painter, and one other man, killed; 
'a negro woman, and white woman wounded, and a number of horses have been taken, but I can't enumerate them. One 
Harper was killed on State creek. ., ^t^ ^ i i ^l i .. 

In February, one man killed at the Mudhck: one killed at the mouth of Kentucky, and the people have evacu- 
ated the station from fear. In this month I have only heard of one man killed and one wounded on the Rolling 
fork; but from various reports, there is too mucli reason to fear they will be hostile this spring. 



• ' Jfm. If. Bowell to the Hon. John Brown. 

4th April, 1790. 

\lthouah I wrote you a few days ago, I feel a propensity to hand you every intelligence in my power. The In- 
dians have again made a capital stroke on the Ohio; they, to the number ot abouthtty. are encamped near the mouth 
of the Scioto, and have, by means of a white prisoner, who they have with them, taken three boats and aperiogue; the 
perio^ue contained six men, who were going up tiie river from Limestone; one ot the boats belonged to Mr. John May; 
the six men, together with Mr. May, and the whole crew, were put to instant death by the savages. The other two 
boats one of them belonged to families, the other was the property of Colonel Edwards, of Bourbon, and Mr. Thomas 
Marshall and others, who, the day after May was taken, were at the same place attacked by the savages; they in 
the first instance attempted to induce the boats to come to shore, by means of the prisoner, who was the only person 
exposed to view, and who affected tlie utmost distress and anxiety, in order that he might be received on board and 
brought to Limestone; but finding their stratagem would answer no purpose, they immediately exposed themselves, 
and began to fire on the boats, but without effect; the devils then, to the number of about thu-ty, jumped into May's 
boat, and gave chase: by which means, being better supplied with oars, they would soon have overtaken Marshall and 
the family boat, if it had not been for Colonel George Thompson, who was owner to a third part in the same com- 
pany ; he threw out all the horses he had in his boatj and received Colonel Edwards' crew, and the families all into 
his boat, together with their oars, by which means the whole of the people escaped after sustaining a chase ot about 
fifteen miles. The loss of property in tlie two boats, was seventeen horses, about fifteen hundred pounds worth ot 
dry goods, and a considerable quantity of household furniture. It is not known what May had on board, as no 

^^1 have also heard to-day, that the Indians have taken a boat on Salt river, which was laden with salt, and killed a 
John Prior, and two others who belonged to the boat's crew. i i • 

These are the most material outrages that I now recollect. The consequences are truly alarming; no prepara- 
tion is yet made, neither can there be oy us, who are not authorized to cross the river. 



1790.1 THE NORTHWESTERN INDIANS. 87 



Governor St. Clair to the Secretary of War. 

Cahokia, \st May, 1790. 

The Major (Hamtramck) understanding that there \\as some private difterence between tliat Indian and the 
person who ser\'ed as interpreter to the messenger, did. on the first of April, send forward another messenger, and 
nehas enclosed to me a letter from him from Quitepicomuais, fifteen miles above Ouisconsin, of the 15th of that 
month, a translation of which is sent with this. By that letter you will observe tliat every thing is referred to the 
Miamies, which does not indicate a peaceable issue. The confidence these have in tlieir situation, the vicinity ot 
many other nations, either much under their influence, or hostilely disposed towards the United States, and perni- 
cious counsels of the British traders, joined to the immense booties obtained by their depredations on the Ohio, will 
most probably prevent them from listening to any reasonable terms of accommodation, so that it is nuicli tobe feared 
that the United States must prepare effectually to chastise them; and the consequence of not doing it, may very 
probably be the defection of those who are now at peace, and would remain so, with the entire alienation of the affec- 
tions at least o//^e peop/e o/ //ie /ron^jers. 

N. B. Gamelin's information being unimportant, is not copied. 



Representation from the Field Officers of Harrison coimty. 

Virginia, Harrisox County. February 2d, 1790. 

Sir: " . .. , , 

The alarming predicament in which this countiy now stands, as touching the state of Indian affairs, and the 
small prospect of protection from his Excellency Arthur St. Clair, hath moved us the subscribers to meet this day in 
council, in order to concert measures as, far as in our power, to calm the minds of our exposed frontiers, who expect 
early in the Spring to be again harassed by the savages. 

It appears to us, by the address of the General Assembly of Virginia, dated the 30th of October, 1789, that official 
information has been given to your Excellency of the Indians" wanton barbarity on the frontiers of this State. We 
also have the strongest assurance tliat the members of the General Assembly from the western district did apply, by 
a subsequent address, separate and apart from the said address sent by the General Assembly, which we trusted 
would have fell into your hands before Governor St. Clair left New York, which now appears to us not to be 
the case; therefore, the frontiers are left defenceless; the people, who lay exposed, are complaining that they are 
neglected; that the interior parts of the United States have enjoyed peace since the year 1782; that Government 
has got thoughtless about the lives of their citizens, &.c. 

We would undertake to give a full detail of the various incursions made on the frontiers of this countiy, but 
expect our county lieutenant will hand this petition to your Excellency, who, we believe, will better satisfy your 
inquiries than our detail. 

We presume the aforesaid address of our legislative body, and the separate address sent by the membei^s of this 
western district, fully take in our wishes as touching the mode of present and future relief. 

Therefore, in the name and behalf of our suffering fellow-citizens, over whom we preside as field officers of the 
militia, pray that your Excellency would take our distressed situation under your parental care, and grant us such 
relief as you in your wisdom shall think proper, and we, in duty bound, will pray, &;c. 

BENJAMIN WILSON, Colonel, 

GEO. JACKSON. Lieut. Colonel, 

The President of the United States. WILLIAM ROBINSON, Major. 

Extract of a letter from the Lieutenants of the counties of Fayette, TVoodford, and Mercer, to the Secretary of 

War, dated I4th .^pril, 1790. . 

We almost every day receive accounts of their horrid murders on our defenceless frontiers, (which entirely sur- 
round us) and the taking of horses and other property, to the ruin of a number of families. It is painful to repeat 
particulars, but some recent acts of the savages demand our representation. 

Several boats have, within a few weeks past, been attacked and taken on the Ohio river, and one in Salt river, 
by strong parties of Indians, and their unhappy crews murdered or carried into captivity. 

We have reason to believe that there is a combination of several tribes, and their numbers pretty numerous. 



.■ ' Major Hamtramck to Governor St. Clair. 

Post Vincennes, May 22, 1790. 

I now enclose the proceedings of Mr. Gamelin, by wiiich your Excellency can have no great hopes of bringing 
the Indians to a peace with the United States. The 8th of May Gamelin arrived, and on the 11th some merchants 
arrived, and informed me, that, as soon as Gamelin had Ipasseu their villages, on his return, all the Indians had 
gone to war; that, a large party of Indians from Michilimackinack and some Pattawatamies had gone to Kentucky; 
and that, three days after Gamelin had left the Miami, an American was brought there and burnt. 



Deposition of Charles Johnson, taken before the Secretary of JVar, July 29, 1790. 

On the 20th of March, 1790, going down the river Ohio, in company with John May, Esq. of Virginia, with 
four other persons in our boat, (two of whom Avere women) we were attacked by a party of fifty-four Indians, con- 
sisting chiefly of Shawanese and Cherokees. In this attack,'Mr. May and one of the women were killed, the rest of 
us made prisoners. 

The day following, a canoe coming up the river, with six men in it. Mere fired upon and all killed. 

In a few hours afterwards, two boats (the owners of wiiich had abandoned them and got on board a third boat 
that was in company) were taken by the savages, with goods and other property in them, which, in my opinion, 
must have amounted to several thousand pounds value. 

Two days afterwards the Indians divided themselves into several parties, when they set off to this town, and 
arrived in about five or six weeks at Sandusky, where the nation of Wyandot or Huron Indians live. 

Whilst in the Indian country, I was informed that one of our party, whose name was William Flin, and wiiom, 
on a division, had fallen to the Cherokees, was carried to the nation of Miamies, there tied to a stake, and, in the 
most inhuman manner, was roasted alive. 

I fiirtlier understood that there are a number of Americans w ho have been made prisoners by the Indians, and are 
now in the Shawanese and Miami nations, languishing under slavery and all its bitter appendages. 



88 INDIAN AFFAIRS. [1790 

Col. Robert Rankins to Col. Thomas Lewis. 

April S, 1790. 

As I presume you have not heard of the late mischief, I shall just beg leave to infonii you, that, about six weeks 
ago, two men were taken oflf Cabin Creek, who have been made use of to decoy boats ashore, by which means six 
men in a canoe, going up the river, attempting to escape, after they found themselves ensnared, were murdered; Mr. 
May's boat taken, himself and one other killed, the rest of the crew made prisoners; two boats, in which was a consi- 
derable amount of property, belonging to Col. John Edwards, of Bourbon, Capt. Thomas Marshall, and a number 
of other gentlemen taken; the gentlemen themselves forced to crowd into Col. George Thompson's boat, and row 
for life, the Indians having pursued tliem in Mr. May's boat, armed for that purpose, with unparalleled avidity. 

Two men were also killed and seven more, one woman, and five children, taken prisoners, about six weeks ago, 
in Kennaday's Bottom, on the Ohio. 20 miles above Limestone, where they were engaged in erecting a new settle- 
ment. All this mischief has been done by tiie same party of Indians, who are still on the river, and, from informa- 
tion, about tlie same place where tlie boats and canoe were taken, six or seven miles above the mouth of Scioto. 
And we are informed, by the two men above inentioued, who have escaped and come inj that they have sent the plun- 
der to their town by a party, and expect a reinforcement. A pai'ty of men was raised m this settlement on the first 
intelligence of the disturbance, but a dispute arising among them respecting the object in ^iew, they split, and 
returned without doing of any service, except bringing away a boat which the Indians fitted up for their offensive 
operations. However, such generally is the consequence of expeditions where the officers who conduct them have 
only power to advise and persuade; and it is much to be lamented that the Government under wliich we live wants 
power, or they who are at the helm a disposition, to protect its citizens. 

I have this moment received further intelligence of the depredations of tliose cursed devils. A boat from Green- 
briar, in which was Colonel Ward, Mr. R. Madison, and three or four other boats from Monongahela, were yes- 
terday afternoon attacked, at or near the place mentioned above; a Mr. Richards ^vas killed, and the Monongahela 
people were obliged to abandon one of their boats, with about one hundred gallons of whiskey, some other property, 
besides several horses and cattle: a number of horses were killed and wounded in the other boats. 



Judge Innes to the Secretary of War. ,' •' 
' ■ , . Danville, ilfoi/ 13/A, 1790. 

That you may have an idea of our unhappy situation, I beg leave to refer you to a letter I Avrote on the 20th 
ultimo, to the Hon. John Brown; since which the Indians have killed two wliite men and two negroes in Jefferson 
county; in Nelson two girls, scalped one woman, and made one other woman prisoner. 



Judge Innes to the Secretary of TFar. 



Danville, July 7th, 1790. 



I have been intimately acquainted with this district from November, 1783; I can with truth say, that in this 
. period of time, the Indians have always been the aggressors; that any incursions made into their country have been 
/ from reiterated injuries committetl by them; tiiat the depredatory mode of Mar and plundering carried on by them, 
; renders it difiicult, and almost impossible, to discriminate what tribes are the offenders; tliat, since my first visit to 
this district, which was the time above named, I can venture to say, that above 1500 souls have been killed and 
J taken in the district, and migrating to it; that upwards of 20,000 horses have been taken and carried off, and other pro- 
'. perty, such as money, merchandise, household goods, and weai'ing apparel, have been cai'ried off and destroyed by 
these barbarians, to at least £15,000. 

Repeated informations have been given of these injuries, which continue to be daily perpetrated, and yet we have 
no satisfactory account of the intention of Government for oui' relief; the consequences to the district are of a seri- 
ous and important nature; by them do we see the population of our country decreased, by the murders committed 
on the emigrants and actual settlers, and by them do we find people intiinidated from migrating to our countiy, 
which lessens our rising strength; by them is the Avealth of our citizens diminished, and the value of our lands de- 
creased. What wll be the result? 

Volunteer expeditions will be carried on into the Indian countries, upon the principle oi revenge, protectio7i, and 
self-preservation, and Government will not be able to counteract tliem; the consequences will be, that the volunteers 
who may thus embody Avill not discriminate between the Indians who are hostile and those who have treated; they 
will consider all as enemies that come in tiieir way, and the supposed amicable Indians will no longer have any 
. faith in Goverinnent; it will not only prevent the intended views of Government, but undo what hath been done. 
I will, sir, be candid on this subject, not only as inhabitant of Kentucky, but as a friend to society, who wishes 
to see order and regularity preserved in the Government under wliich I live. The people say they have long groan- 
ed under their misfortunes, they see no prospect of relief, they are tlie strength and wealth of the Western country; 
/ all measures which have been attempted, are placed (for execution) in the hands of strangers, wlio have no interest 
( among them: they are the general sufferers, and yet have no voice in the business; they are accused as the aggressors,- 
and have no representative to justify. These are the general sentiments of the people, and they begin to want faith 
/ in the Government, and appear determined to revenge themselves: for this purpose a meeting was latelyheld in 
I this place, by a number of respectable characters, to determine on the propriety of carrjing on tln-ee expeditions this 
^ fall. From a more general representation of the district, the business was postponed until the meeting of our conven- 
tion, which is about the 26th instant, at wliich time there will be a very general meeting of influential characters of 
/ the district: and unless some information is received before that time, that will be satisfactory, I fully expect one or 
' more expeditions will be determined on. 

Impressed with the idea that the foregoing observations will not be unacceptable to j'ou as an officer of Govern- 
ment, through whose Department it may be properly communicated to the President; if worthy your attention, I 
shall make no apology for the length of my letter. 



From the same to the same. — July 8th. • 

I have, this day, received a letter from Governor St. Clair, dated the 5th inst. " at the Rapids of Ohio;" he 
says, " that the expectations of peace which I much wished, cannot be realized with the people on tlie Wabash, and 
in consequence I have come here sooner than I should otherwise have done, to prepare for operating against them. " 
He has requested me to apprize the field officers of the district, that he shall call for the proportions of the militia 
they are to furnish, in consequence of the orders he has received from the President. 



irgo.] THE NORTHWESTERN INDIANS. 



89 



Jilexander S. Ballit, Lieut. Jefferson County, to Judge Innes. 

May 24th, 1790. 
I now embrace the first opportunity which offers, of informing you, that a man was wounded neai- Mr. Joseph 
Kite's plantation, about a fortnight ago. I mention this instance as tlie last of several which have appeared this 
spring, of mischief done by the Indians in this country. 



Certificate of Robert Lemen, Jacob Steulan, and TFilliam Price. 

We, the under writers, inhabitants of Jefferson county, on the waters of Brasheai's creek, do certify, that 
in the latter end of March last, the^ Indians took a negro woman prisoner, tlie property of Anderson Long, two 
youne men at work at the said Long's, in his field, on Clear creek and branch of Brashear's creek. 

That, on Tick creek, a branch of Brashear's creek, in April, the Indians killed two men at work in their field 
That, in May, two boys were made pnsoners from Loudon's station, on the head of Drennon's Lick creek. 
That, on the 23d instant, a party of Indians fired on a company of people, on Clear creek, as they were return- 
ing from meeting, killed one man on the spot, and took a young woman prisoner, who they carried about ten miles, 
and then tomahawked and scalped her. 

That, on the 25th instant, as a company were bringing home tlie corpses of the man and woman, they were 
alarmed by their dogs, and sent a party out to reconnoitre, who discovered the trail of some Indians. 
Given under our hands, this 28th clay of May, 1790. 

ROBT. LEMON, 
. ' JACOB STEULAN, 

WM. PRICE. 

There was no magistrate, to be conveniently found, when this certificate was given, or I would have had an 
affidavit made of the facts. 

HARRY INNES. 

John Caldtvell to Judge Innes. 

Nelson County, May I2lh, ir90. 
On Tuesday morning, about eleven Indians attacked the house of Miles Heart, on Valley Creek, a fork of Nole- 
lin, and killed Heart and one of his children: and his wife and two more, whicli includes the whole family, were 
made prisoners. 

Deposition of Samuel Winter, taken before Christopher Greenup, 2lst May, 1790. 

Mercer, ss. 

Samuel Winter came before me, a justice for the said county, and being sworn, saith: That he is an inhabitant 
of Nelson county, and resides on Nolelin creek, that a certain Miles Heart, who lived on Valley creek, about 
six miles from the deponent, was murdered in his house, on Tuesday, the 11th instant, and that the wife and two 
children of the said Heart were biken prisoners ; that two of Heart's horses are missing, which are supposed to be 
carried off by the Indians, who did the mischief. 



Christopher Greenup to Judge Innes. 

Mercer CorNTV. 24/A Miry, 1790. 

About four days ago, tlie Indians stole four horses from Mr. Meaux. a considerable distance within the inhabi- 
tants; this might have been prevented had there been scouts. 



John Caldwell to Judge Innes. 

' \ \ ' June 4th, 1790. 



About the seventh of March last, the Indians came to the Rolling fork, and stole a number of horses to the 
amount of sixteen; they were pursued by Captain Wilson, and a small party, who came up with them, in about forty 
miles ; but, being overpowered, they were obliged to retreat ; Capt. Wilson was killed upon the spot. 



' . , Robert Johnson to Judge Innes. 

- May 13th, 1790. 

I send you two depositions, containing an account of some mischief done lately by the savages in this county to 
wit : the killing McBride and McConnel, in April last, and also taking a son of Mr. Tanner's (on the Ohio) a pri- 
soner, &c. I'also inform you, that, last fall, two men were killed by the savages, one of the name of Brown, whose 
wife and children live now in Lexington, as I was with the men who brought the corpse into the neighborhood I 
live in ; besides this, there hath been another party, last winter, who stole a number of horses from the neighborhood 
I live in, and carried them off. 

Deposition of John Garnett, taken before Robl. Johnson, M. for IV. C. May \2th. 1790. 
Woodford Couxtv, ss. 

John Garnett, of full age, being duly sworn, saith : That he was at Mr. John Tanner's station, on the Ohio, in ) 

said county, about five miles below the mouth of the Big Miami, and that said Tanner informed liim, that, about the J 

last of April, or first of May, five Indians came and lay in ambush, a little over one hundred yards from his house | 

between the house and his held, and took a son of said Tanner's, aoout nine years old, and carried him off, across I 

the Ohio ; and furdier saith, that Indians have been, since, within about two miles of said station, and this deponent * 

further saith not , , - ■ | 

Deposition of Samuel Stephenson, taken before Robert Johnson, M.for W. Cty, May 12, 1790. 

Woodford County, ss. 

Samuel Stephenson, of full age, being duly sworn, saith : That, about the 12th of April, 1790, being called on to 

SJ? o*?* to bring James McBride and McConnel^ who were killed by the Indians on the road or path from the mouth 

of Licking, to the settlement on Elkhorn ; and this deponent further saith, that he assisted to bring two men which 
were both scalped ; one was much cut with a tomahawk, and the other was shot through the hips, and he believes 
them to be said McBride and McConnell ; and this deponent further saith not. 



gQ INDIAN AFFAIRS. [1790. 



John Edwards to Judge Junes. 

Bourbon County, May 12, 1790. 




Lewis Parker, who 
as I have enclosed 



you an affidavit ; and, as to the murder ot two more men, 1 am satished of its certamty, but have had no oppor- 
tunity of finding the man, who was with them when they were killed, nor those who have since buried them ; the 
names of the men were McBride and McConnell. 

■ Deposition of David Rankin and James Hays, taken before Benjamin Harrison, 1790. 

This day came before me, one of the commonwealth's justices for said county, tlie subscribers, and made oath, that, 
on the 12th of May, inst. tliey saw Lewis Parker lying dead; he had received several wounds, with balls, toma- 
hawks and knives; (he was scalped) that tliey found him, the said Parker, about one hour after he was killed, and 
that they verily believe he was thus murdered by Indians, and furtlier say not 

Certificate of Beiyamin Harrison. 

Although I did not see the Indians kill Parker, I do verily believe they did do it; I saw his body about two hours 
after he was killed; it happened at Michael Hogg's, not quite three miles from my house, and I followed the trails 
of those who committed the murder, near ten miles; their direction was towards the Big-bone Lick. The Indians 
have stole two horses from Mr. Coleman, lately. There is no person, in this quarter, that knows any thing of 
McBride and McConnell's being killed, only from hear-say; but it is a matter of fact. 



' ■■ ■ John Edwards, Lt. Bourbon County, to Judge Innes. ' 

• Bourbon, May 12, 1790. 

I am sorry to inform you, since my last letter, that a man was killed, by a party of Indians, in his cornfield, 
about seven miles from my house, on Thursday last; also a boat was taken, about eight or ten miles above Limestone, 
where five persons were found killed on the shore. I think we need no greater proof of the intentions of those 
savage barbarians, to distress us. 

Henry Lee, Lieutenant Mason County, to Judge Lines. 

Mason County, May I6th, 1790. 

On the night of the 1 1th instant, four boats (one of which contained an officer and eight men of the United States' 
troops) landed about nine miles above Limestone, and about 12 o'clock was fired on by a party of Indians, supposed 
to be fifteen or twenty in number; three boats made their escape without damage, the other, containing sixteen souls, 




aOOUl nueeu, was uiscuvcicu ciubbhis mc .^.1..^ ......i... ..... .^........o ... ..... .„.,^. o^...^....,...o, „...^.^..v,v- r Tu 

towards the Blue Licks; this notice has put the neighborhood in that quarter, on their guai-d; I have had no turther 
intelligence, but am under apprehensions eveiy hour of the fatal consequences; our surveyors and hunters have all 
retired from the woods, the frequent signs of Indians render it unsafe for them to pursue tneir business. 



' • ' • ■ ^ , John Logan to Judge limes. 

Lincoln, May \7th, 1790. 

Friday morning the 14th instant, a company was defeated on the other side Ingle's station; six of said company 
are missing, supposed to be killed. About ten or fifteen Indians took possession ot all their horses and goods, ready 
packed up to start. , 



. ' James Burnett to Judge Innes. . ■ - ' 

' - • MADisoii, Mount Holley, 23d May, 1790. 

I can assure you, sir, that the frontier of this county (which is about forty miles') have considered themselves in 
imminent danger all the last spring; but their fears are much increased,^ since the last hostilities committed on the 
wilderness road, and Indian signs discovered very lately upon Station Camp. 

The mischief above referred to was in Madison county, about torty miles from the inhabitants; four killed, two 
wounded, 10 or 12 horses, mth valuable property. T^rnwrr^o 

H. INNES. 



Deposition of Joseph Burnett, token before Michael Campbell, June Sth, 1790. 

Nelson County, ss. 

This day came Joseph Bai-nett, Esq. before me, a justice of the peace for said county, and made oath, on the 
holy evangelists of Almighty God, that on the eighteenth of April last past, (being Lord's day) about the hour of five 
in the evening, a party ot Indians fell upon a few defenceless people, who were returning from Hartford to^vn, on 
Rough creek, to a station at tlie house of tliis deponent, being two mdes distant, kdled a girl of twelve years old, 
and a boy of eight years old, cutting them in a cniel manner, with tomahawks supposed; cut an ancient lady of both 
respectable family and character, in her right arm, head and backj in a cruel manner, with a scimitar, and after 
having scalped her alive, left her, and his scimitar \vith her, and carried off the daughter of this deponent, a girl near 
eleven years old, into captivity. They were pursued by a party till night, whicli gave thein an opportunity of 
escaping. The above mentioned boy lived till Tuesday morning foUomng. having his scull split with a tomahawk, 
and a great part of liis brains on the outside of his wounded scalped scull; and the old lady is yet alive, notwith- 
standing all tlie misery she has endured; further this deponent saith not. 
Observe that the above persons were returning from sermon. 



1790] NORTHWESTERN INDIANS. 91 



Brigadier General Harmar to the Secretary of War. , 

March 2Ath, 1790. 

The Indians still continue to murder and plunder the inhabitants, especially tlie boats going up and down the 
Ohio river. About the beginning of this month, they broke up Kenton's station, a small settlement of fifteen miles 
above Limestone, killing and capturing the whole of the people, supposed to be ten or t\velve in number. 

Buckner Thruston, Esq. has just arrived here, who informs me of a capital stroke of plunder which tliey made 
from the boats, one of which he was on board, a small distance above tlie Scioto river. This gentleman is a member 
of the Virginia Legislature, and has given me the enclosed written report of the attack, by which you ^\^ll please to 
observe, that the property captured by the savages was estimated at four thousand pounds. 

He supposes them to have been Snawanese. No calculation will answer, but raising a sufficient force to effectu- 
ally chastise the whole of those nations who are known to be liostile. 



Report of Buckner Thruston, Esq. 
^ - , ■ March 24///, 1790. 

On the 21st of March, about 12 o'clock, we discovered on the Indian shore a flat bottomed boat, which appeared 
to be crowded with Indians,: we were fortunately near the Virginia shore at the time we discovered the savages. 
On our coming opposite them, a white man ran down on tlie beacli and hallooed to us, for God's sake, to surrender; 
that there were nftjr Indians, and if we made resistance, we should be massacred. We refused to surrender, and 
immediately they hred on us for a considerable time, perhaps to the number of one hundred guns, which gave us 
time to pass by them; tliey then embarked all hands aboard their boat, (commonly called a Kentucky boat, which 
they had taken a day or two before from Mr. John May, who. with four other men, it is supposed aie either killed 
or taken) and gave chase to us; upon finding that we could not escape, there being three boats m company, we chose 
out the strongest boat, turned the liorses adrift, and embarked tiierein; all the people belonging to the three boats 
cut holes in her sides, and put in the oars of tlie tliree boats, and made the best way we could for fifteen or twenty 
miles, the Indians pursuing us with great earnestness. Thev left us after a chase ofbetween twoand tliree hours, and 
we arrived without further impediment at Limestone. We lost twenty-eight horses, fifteen liundred pounds value of 
merchandise, (as I am informed) besides private property of passengers and others, to a considerable amount. W"e 
supposed the Indians to be fifty or sixty in number. We had about twenty-eight men, and sixteen or seventeen 
guns, a family ot women, and a few negroes, women and children. The principal sufferers among the passengers, 
were. Colonel Thompson, Colonel Edwards, Mr. Abner Field, Mr. Thomas Marsliall. 



Brigadier General Harmar to the Secretary of War. 

June 9th, 1790. 

At the solicitation of the inhabitants of Kentucky, (copies of which are enclosed) I was induced to endeavor to 
break up a nest of vagabond Indians, who had infested tlie river, and seemed to make it an object to establish them- 
selves near the mouth of the Scioto, in order to interrupt the navigation of the Ohio, and to plunder and murder the 
emigrants. I am sorry tliat my endeavors were unsuccessful, as tiie villains had retreated; wolves might as well 
have been pursued; every exertion in my power was made without effect. 

Having settled our plan of operations, wliich was to make a circuitous route, and strike the Scioto pretty high, 
and from thence marcli down to its mouth, in hopes to intercept some of their parties, we took up our line of marcli 
on the same day, (1 8th April) and gained about twelve miles. On this first day's march, four moccason tracks 
were discovered. General Scott detached a small party of horsemen, who fell in with the savages, killed them, 
and brought the four scalps into liimestone. 

Ensign Hartshorne's convoy of boats was attacked at midnight im the 12tli, (May) about nine miles above 
Limestone, from the Virginia side, and several of the emigrants killed; I have enclosed a copy of his report. 

' Fort Washingtok, May SOth, 1790. 

Sir: . . 

I beg leave to report as follows: On the 12th instant, as I was coming down the Ohio, in company \yith five 
other boats, in the evening, before we came to Limestone, by the request of the company, we put to snore, in order 
to stay until 2 o'clock, so that we mieht land at Limestone in day -light. I landed nine miles above Limestone, 
and tlie other boats landed about one hundred yards below me. About 12 o'clock the Indians attacked the lowermost 
boat; after a number of shot they left it, and fell on the other above them, which they took — in this time my men 
fired five or six shot at the flash of their guns. I iiad much to do to keep the men in the boat from cutting her 
loose, and leaving my men on shore, so f thougiit proper to order my men on board; for, by every circumstance, I 
thought them too strong for me with so few men; and it being very dark, I ordered tlie boat oft" from the shore, and 
fell down into their fire, where we received a number of shot; and wiien I found tliat all the boats were not taken, 
I ordered them to go ahead in case the Indians did pursue us, that I might check them. We arrived at Limestone 
at 3 o'clock in the morning; I immediately wrote to tlie county lieutenant upon tlie matter; he, with twenty men, 
came down: at 3 o'clock in the afternoon, myself with five men went up to the place where we were attacked; we 
found one man, one woman, and three children, killed and scalped, which we put into the boat, with tlieir property, 
to Limestone. There are eight missing; the whole killed and missing is thirteen souls; they took none of the 
property but one horse. 

I am, sir, your most humble servant, 

. . ASA HARTSHORNE, Ens. 1st U. S. regt. 



James Wilkinson, Esq. to General Harmar, 

Lexington, 7/A.^pn7, 1790. 

I write to you at the public request, on a subject deeply interesting to Kentucky, our national honor, and to 
humanity. 

For more than one month past a party of savages has occupied the Northwestern bank of the Ohio, a few miles 
above the mouth of Scioto, from whence tliey make attacks upon every boat which passes, to the destruction ot 
much property, the loss of many lives, and the great annoyance of all intercourse from the northward. 

By very recent accounts, we are apprized that they still continue in force at that point, and that their last attack 
was made against five boats, one of \vhich they captured. It is the general, and I conceive a well founded opinion, 
that if this party is not dislodged and dispersed, the navigation of the Ohio must cease. In a case so very critical, 
the people of tins district conceive themselves justified in appealing to arms, because their dearest interests, and the 
lives of their brethren, are at hazard; but being extremely unwilling to proceed, except in a legal, regular, and 
authorized way, they call upon you for your advice, succor, and assistance, in the hope and the expectation, that 



92 INDIAN AFFAIRS. [1790. 



I you will be able to co-operate with a detachment of the troops under your command, and carry an immediate expe- 
I dition against the belbre mentioned party of savages, from Limestone, where it is proposed to rendezvous a body of 
' militia volunteers. 

Colonel Patteison waits upon you on this occasion to know your determination, and to make such adjustments 
as may be deemed expedient. 



• Levi Todd to General Harmar, 

Fayette, 7th April, 1790. 

Within a few days past a parly of Indians, who have taken post on the Ohio, near the mouth of the Scioto, have 
captured four boats, killed and taken several people, and much property; for the particulars I refer you to Colonel 
Patterson, who, I expect, will hand vou this. From circumstances we may conclude this practice will be continued, 
unless they are dislodged. The unhappy consequences wliich will result, are too obvious to every discerning man, 
and too distressing to be borne. A party of men from the counties north of Kentucky river, are preparing to remove 
these troublesome fellows from their station. They will rendezvous at Lexington, on Thursday, the 15th instant; 
at Limestone, the Saturday following. The inhabitants of this district flatter themselves thev wdi meet with every 
encouragement and protection from the officers in the Western Government, in every plan that will tend to secure 
their persons and property, and to protect in the enjoyment of those riglits, for which we have so often risked our 
persons, and expended property. 1 flatter myself that, in the present instance, we shall not only meet the approba- 
tion of his excellency General St. Clair, but with such instructions and assistance from you, as you may jucfge best 
calculated for the execution of the intended design, that a peaceable emigration may be preserved to the Western 
country. 

I flatter myself that an account of the hostilities that are committed in the Western country will, by the earliest 
opportunity, be transmitted to the President of the United States. 



Colonel Patterson to General Harmar. 

Licking, 9/A April, 1790. 

I was very desirous of handing you General Wilkinson's and Colonel Todd's letters, but our interraption on 
the way, and my business at home, puts it out of my power. Mr. Lemond, who I expect will hand this with 
others, can inform you particularly. I do not know that my personal attendance would have answered any purpose, 
only to have informed you of our intention. We do not wish to infringe on the rights of the Federal Government; 
it is well known tliat the Indians occupy both sides of the river. We know that it is not infringing to drive the 
enemy from our own door, but that will not answer any purpose in this case. We rest assured "that we will not 
(inly meet with your approbation, but your assistance. You need not doubt, but that, on Saturday, the 17th instant, 
there will be at Limestone, five hundred men at least, to co-operate with your troops, and your directions. Our 
men will be furnished witli twelve day's provisions, expecting to continue out tiiat time. 



I Governor St. Clair to the Secretary of fVar. 

,' . . ■ ' ". ■ i ." . ■'.'■'■ ' NewYork, ./5i<^t<s/ 23rf, 1790. 

"The letter from Major Hamtramck, and journal of Mr. Gamelin, copies of which accompany this, were 
received b/ me at Kaskaskias, after my return from Cahokia; and when I was on the point of setting out for the 
Wabash. From the information that journal contained, and the intelligence which the Major had received after- 
wards, as stated in the letter, it appeared to me, that there was not the smallest probability of an accommodation 
vyith the Indians of that river, and of the Miami, and that, from the manner in which the proposal of an accommoda- 
tion had been received by them, and their subsequent conduct, it would not be proper for me to go to Post St. Vin- 
cennes; I therefore took the resolution to return by the Mississippi and Ohio rivers, to the head quarters of the 
troops, in order to concert with General Harmar upon the means of carrying into etfect the alternative contained in 
my instructions from the President — that of punishing them; and accordingly embarked on the eleventh day of June, 
and arrived at iort Washington on the 13th day of July. 

Before my departure from Kaskaskias, I put a letter into the hands of Major Sargent, informing him of my in- 
tended journey, and that, as soon as I had embarked, he was to consider me as absent, and in consequence, the 
government devolved upon himself, and desired him to proceed to the post, lay out a county there, establish the 
militia, and appoint tiie civil and military officers. I was led to proceed in this manner from the little time there 
would be to digest the business, and bring the necessary force together from so many and distant parts, before it 
would be necessary that they should move, and the certainty there appeared to be that, if I went to the post, the 
consuming a good deal of it would be unavoidable, and the season for operation be lost. 

From the falls of Ohio, I took Mr. Elliot, one of the contractors, \vith me to head quarters, that he might, in 
person, give General Harmar information with respect to the certainty of supplies, without being assured of which, 
It would be vain to think of the matter. 

The number of militia I was empowered to call for, was one thousand from Virginia, and five hundred from 
Pennsylvania, to act in conjunction with the continental troops; these the General estimated at four hundred effec- 
^^y^-. .'i'"? manner of employing this force, which was conclutted upon, is this: three iiundred of tlie militia of 
Virginia are to rendezvous at fort Steuben, and with the garrison of that fort, to march to Post St. Vincennes and 
join Major Hamtramck; the remaining twelve hundred of the militia to assemble at fort Washington, under 
the orders ot General Harmar, which, with the troops to be collected there, will form a body of fifteen hundred: 
these are intended to march directly across the country to the Miami village, while Major Hamtramck moves up 
the Wabash to .attack any of the villages on that river to which his force may be equal; but, as it is not so respecta- 
ble as I could wish it, I took itup(m myself to give him authority to call for aid from the militia of Post St. Vincennes. 

It would, perhaps, have been better that the whole should have been drawn together, and one solid effort been 
made; but it was next to impossible to form a junction of all the parts at any one proper place, in time, and we were 
not without hopes tliat, as the movements will be made in concert, the success of both may be forwarded by each 
other: for that up the Wabash wll, certainly, I think, make those nations uneasy for themselves, and prevent them 
from aiding the Miamies, while the direct movement to their village will have the same effect upon them. 

I could indeed have wished that the force in botii quarters had been more respectable, as far as it is possible their 
success should be put out of the chance of accidents; for a failure will be attended with the very worst consequences. 
I believe, sir, that, if the President approves the business, and should think proper to add to the numbers, it is not 
yet too late, being of opinion that many more men might be obtained from that part of Virginia from whence the 
others are called, on very short notice. You will observe, sir, by my letter to the county lieutenants, that the ren- 
dezvous at fort Washington is fixed for the 15th of next month. Their assembling there, however, was not counted 
upon before the 20th, and that they would be in readiness to march by the first of October. Before that time, I 
hope I shall be able to join them. 

Mr. Elliot made very little hesitation about the provisions, though it will be impossible to furnish flour. Corn, 
however, it seems, is still abundant in Kentucky, and with that General Harmar is satisfied. 



ir90.] THE NORTHWESTERN INDIANS. 93 



I am veiy apprehensive that some disappointment will be met wth in the quota of Pennsylvania: for I found 
that, in two of the four counties from whicli that militia is to be drawn, they iiave not had an officer for upwards of 
two years, and there was a general complaint for want of arms. I represented that matter to the Executive of the 
State, and they think the first difficulty will be obviated by a voluntary enlistment, and have ordered a quantity of 
arms to be sent forward. As a disappointment there would be fatal, perhaps the President may think proper to 
make some conditional provision against it. 

I hope it will not happen, but I fear it; and am extremely anxious about it, on account of the expense that v.ill 
have been incurred to no purpose, and moie so from the injury the reputation of tlie Government would sustain. 

I request the favor of you, sir, to lay tiiis letter before the President as soon as possible: for it is of importance 
that I should return without loss of time, as the assembling the militia of Pennsylvania is appointed on the 3d. and 
their being in motion not to exceed the 10th of September. 

I have added a copy of my letter to the county lieutenants, and to the senior officer of the Pennsylvania militia. 



, ' Mr. Gamelin's Journal. ' ; '■ ' ■ , . 

Memorandum of sundry speeches held by Anthony Gamelin to the chiefs of the Wabash and Miami nations. 

I, Anthony Gamelin. by order of Major Hamtranick, set oft' from fort Knox the 5th April, to proceed to Miami 
town, with the speeches of his Excellency Arthur St. Clair, and to receive the answer of the Wabash and Miami 
nations. 

The first village I arrived to is called Kikapouguoi. The name of the chief of this village is called Les Jambes 
Croches. Him and his tribe have a good heart, and accepted the speech. 

The second village is at the river du Vermillion, called Piankeshaws. The first chief, and all the cliief warriors. 
were well pleased with the speeches concerning the peace; but they said they could not give presently a proper 
answer, betore they consult tlie Miami nation, tlieir eldest brethren. They desired me to proceed to the Aliami 
town, and, by coming bade, to let them know what reception I got from them. The said head-chief told me. that 
he thought the nations of the lakes had a bad heart, and w;ere ill disposed for the Americans: that the speeches would 
not be received, particularly by the Chaouanons,* at Miami town. 

The 10th of April I met thirteen Kickapoo warriors; I asked them the purpose of their journey. We are for 
war, said they, not against tlie white people, but against the Chichashas. I tola them to be friends with white peo- 
ple: I gave them a letter for the commanding officer of Post Vincennes, desiring them to go and shake hands with 
him. They promised to do it. 

The 11th of April, I reached a tribe of Kickapoos: the head chief and all the warriors being assembled. I gave 
them two branches of white wampum, with the speeches of his Excellency Arthur St. Clair, and those of ^lajor Ifani- 
tramck (it must be obsei-\'ed that tlie speeches have been in another hand before me.) The messenger could not proceed 




ch. 

alF the tribes to whom the first messenger was sent. They told me they \\ ere menacing, and, finding that it might have 
a bad eft'ect, I took upon myself to exclude them, and, after making some apology, they answered that he and his 
tribe were pleased with my speech, and that I could go up without danger; liut that they could' not presently give 
me an answer, having some warriors absent, and without consulting the Ouiatanons, being the owners of their lands. ' 
They desired me to stop at Quitepiconnae. that they would have the chiefs and warriors" of Ouitanons, and those of 
their nation, assembled there, and would receive a proper answer; they said that they expected by me a drau^^ht of 
milk from the great chief, and the commanding officer of the post, for to put the old people in good humor? also 
some powder and ball for the young men for hunting, and to get some good broth for their women and children; that 
I should know a bearer of speeches should never be with empty hands; they promised me to keep their young men 
from stealingj and to send speeches to their nations in the praines for to do the same. One of the chiefs ilesired me 
to listen to his speech. " Is it tnie tiiat a man called Lewis Loder has, in last summer, carried a letter, wrote with 
red ink upon black paper, directed to the chief of the Falls, by the French and American people of the post, invitin" 
him f(u- to furnish his young men for to destroy the Kickapoos? Yourself. Gamelin, you wrote the said letter, with^ 
out giving notice to the chiefs of that place, as reported to us. But the chief of the Falls answered: I dont under- 
stand the meaning of writing a letter with vermillion; dont you know that the Kickapoos are my children, as well as 
other nations? Instead of destroying them, I want to contract a solid peace with them. That is a proof of a good 
heart of the great chief, and we sincerely believe that what you say concerning the peace is very true. Another 
proof of his good heart: we heard that Ducoign applied to the commanding officer of the post for to go against us. 
with the French people, his brethren; but Jie got a refusal." 

The 14th Apnl the Ouiatanons and the Kickapoos were assembled. After my speech, one of the head chiefs got up 
and told me: " You. Gamelin, my friend, and son-in-law, we are pleased to see in our village, and to hear by your 
mouth, the good words of the Great Chief. We thought to receive a few words from the French people, but I see tiie > 
contrary : none but the Big-knife is sending speeches to us. You know that we can terminate nothing without the consent 
of our elder brethren, the jNIiamies. I invite you to proceed to their village, and to speak to them. There is one thin<' in 




times our nation went to their rendezvous. I was once myself. Some of our chiefs died on the route, and we always came ^ 
back all naked, and you, Gamelin, you come with speech, with empty hands." Another chief got up and said to his 
youns men: " If we are so poor, and dressed in deer skins, it is our own fault: our French traders are leaving us and 
our villages, because you plunder them every day, and it is time for us to have another conduct." Another chief ''ot i i 
up and said: " Know ye that the\illage of Ouiatanon is the sepulchre of all our ancestors. The chief of AinerTca 1 '• 
invites us to go to him, if we are for peace; he has not his leg broke, having been able to go as far as the Illinois: he ' ' 
might come here himself, and we should be glad to see him at our village. We c(mfess that we accepted the axe 




I explained the" speeches to some of the tribe; they said they were well pleased, but they coufd not give 111^:111' 
answer, their chief men being absent; they desired me to stop at their village coming back, and they sent with me 
one of their men for to hear the answer of their eldest brethren. 

The 23d April I arrived at the Miami town; the next day, I got the Miami nation, the Chaouanons, and Del- 
awares, all assembled. I gave to each nation two branches of wampum, and began the speeches, before the French 
and English traders, being invited by the chiefs to be present, having told tiiem myself I would be glad to have them 
present, having nothing to say againstany body. After the speech, 1 showed them the treaty concluded at Muskiii- / 
gum, between his Excellency Governor St. Clair, and sundry nations, which displeased them. I told them 
that the purpose of this present time was not to submit them to any condition: but to offer them the peace, which 
made disappear their displeasure. The great chief told me that he was pleased with the speech; that he would soon 
give me an answer. In a private discourse with the great cluef, he told me not to mind what the Chaouanons would 
tell me, having a bad heart, and being the perturbators of all the nations. He said the Miamies had a bad name, on 

• By these are meant the Shawaneese. 
13 * • 



1^4 , INDIAN AFFAIRvS; "' 'fn [lf§'o. 



i- account of mischief dotie on the river Ohio, but he told me it was not occasioned by his young men, but by the 
Chaouanons, his young men going out only for to hunt. 

The 25th of April, Blue Jacket, chief wai-rior of the Chaouanons, invited me to go to his house, and told me, 
" My friend, by the name and consent of the Chaouanons and Delawares, I will speak to you. We are all sensible 
of your speech, and pleased with it: but, after consultation, we cannot give an answer without hearing from our father 
at Detroit, and we are determined to give you back the two branches of wampum, and to send you to Detroit to see 
/ and hear the chief, or to stay here twenty nights for to receive his answer. From all quarters, we receive speeches from 
the Americans, and not one is alike. We suppose that they intend to deceive us — then take back your branches 
of wampum." 

The 26th, five Pattawatamies arrived here with two negro men, which they sold to English traders; the next day 
I went to the great chief of the Miamies, called Le Gris; his chief warrior was present. 1 told him how I had been 
served by the Chaouanons; he answered me, that he iiad heard of it; that tne said nations behaved contrary to 
his intentions. He desired me not to mind those strangers, and that he ^vould soon give me a positive answer. 

The 28th April, the great chief desired me to call at the French trader's, and receive his answer. "Don't take 
bad," said he, "of what I am to tell you; you may go back when you please. We cannot give you a positive 
^•-'answer; we must send your speeches to all our neighbors and to the Lake nations; we cannot give a definitive 
answer Mitliout consulting the commandant of Detroit." And he desired me to render him the two branches of 
wampum refused by the Cliaouanons; also, a copy of speeches, in writing. He promised me that, in thirty nights, 
he would send an answer to Post St. Vinceunes, by a young man of each nation; he was well pleased with the 
speeches, and said to be worthy of attention, ami should be communicated to all their confederates, having 
-' resolved among them not to do any tiling witliout an unanimous consent. I agreed to his requisitions, and rendered 
him the two brandies of wanipum, and a copy of the speech. Afterwards, he told me, that the Five Nations, so 
called, or Iroquois, ^vere training something; that five of them and three Wyandots were in this village with 
branches of wampum; he could not tell me presently their purpose, but he said 1 would know of it very soon. 

The same day Blue Jacket, chief of the Chaouanons, invited me to his house for supper, and, before the other 
chiefs, told me that, after another deliberation, they thought necessary that I should go myself to Detroit, for to see 
the commandant, Vvho would get all his children assembled for to hear my speech. 1 told them I would not answer 
them in the night — that I was not asliamed to speak before tlie sun. 

The 29th of April, I got them all assembled. I told them that I was not to go to Detroit; that the speeches were 
directed to tlie nations of the river Wabash and the Miami, and that, for to prove the sincerity ol the speech, and 
the heart of Governor St. Clair, I have willingly given a copy of tlie speeches, to be shown to the commandant of 
Detroit; tiiat his excellency will be glad to hear that his speeches have been sent to Detroit, and, according to a letter 
wrote by the commandant of Detroit to the Miamies, Chaouanons, and Delawares, mentioning to you to be peaceable 
with the Americans. I would go to him very willingly, if it was my directions, being sensible of iiis sentiments. I 
told them I had notliing to say to the commandant, neither Jiiin to me. You must immediately resolve, if you intend 
to take me to Detroit, or else I am to go back as soon as possible. Blue Jacket got up and told me, ' ' My friend, 
we are well pleased with what you say; our intention is not to force you to goto Detroit: it is only a proposal, think- 
ing it for the best. Our answer is the same as the Miamies. We will send, in thirty nights, a full and positive 
answer, by a young man of each nation, by writing to Post St. Vincennes." In the evening. Blue Jacket, chief of 
the Chaouanons, having taken me to supper with him, told me, in a private manner, that the nation Chaouanon was 
in doubt of the sincerity of the Big-knifes, so called, having been already deceived by them. 
^ That they had first destroyed their lands, put out their fire, and sent away their young men. being a hunting, 
' v/itliout a mouthful of meat; also had taken away their women, ^vherefore, many of them would, with great deal of 
pain, forget these aftronts. Moreover, that some other nations were apprehending that offers of peace would, may 
be, tendlo take away, by degrees, their lands, and would serve them a.s they did before; a certain proof that they 
intend to encroach on our lands, is their new settlement on the Ohio. If they don't keep this side clear, it will never 
be a proper reconcilement with the nations Chaouanons, Iroquois, Wyandots, and perhaps many others. Le Gris, 
chief of tlie Miamies, asked me, in a private discourse, what chief had made a treaty with the Americans at Mus- 
kingum. I answered him, that their names were mentioned in the treaty; he told me that he had heard of it some time 
ago, but they are not chiefs, neither delegates, vvho made that treaty; they are only young men, who, without autho- 
rity and instruction from their chiefs, have concluded that treaty, which will not be approved. They went to that 
treaty clandestinely, and they intend to make mention of it in the next council to be held. 

The 2d of May, I came back to the river a i'Anguille. One of the chief men of the jtribe being witness of the 
council at Miami town, repeated the vvhole to them; and whereas the first chief was absent, they said they could 
not for present time, give answer; but they are willing to join their speech to those of their eldest brethren. "To 




were Poux, who, meeting in their route the Sauteaux and Outawais, joined them. "We told them what we heard 
by you; that your speech is fair and true. We could not stop them froin going to war. Tlie Poux told us, that, as 
the Sauteaux and Outawais v/ere more numerous than them, they ^vere forced to follow them." 

The 3d of May, I got to the Ouias; they told me that they were waiting for an answer from their eldest brethren. 
"We approve very much our bretlireii for not to give a definitive answer, without informing of it all the Lake 
nations; that Detroit was the place where the fire was lighted; then it ought first to be put out there: that the Eng- 
lish commandant is their lather, since he threw down our French father; they could do nothing Avithout liis appro- 
bation." 

The 4th May I arrived at the village of the Kickapoos; the chief, presenting me two branches of wampum, 
black and white, said: " My son, we cannot stop our young men from going to war; every day some set off clandes- 
tinely lor that purpose: after such behavior from our young men, we are ashamed to say to the great chief at the 
Illinois and of the Post St. Vincennes, that we are busy about some good affairs for the reconcilement; but be per- 
suaded that we will speak to theiu continually concerning the peace, and that, \vhen our eldest brethren will iiave 
sent their answer, we will join ours to it." 

The 5th of May I arrived at Vermillion; I found no body but two chiefs; all tlie rest were gone a hunting; they 
told me they had nothing else to say but what I was told going up. They told me that the Grosse Tete, a warrior 
absent, appeals to have a bad heart. 

ANTOINE GAMELIN, Messenger. 

This irtli day of May, appeard before me, Mr. Antoine Gamelin, and swore that the within is tlie truth, the 
whole truth, and nothing but tlie truth. 

FS. HAMTRAMCK, Major Commandant. 
AR. ST. CLAIR. 



Copy of a circular letter from Governor St. Clair, to the county Lieutenants. 

Head Quarters, Fort Washington, My 15th, 1790. 

The interests of the United States dictating a peace with the Indian nations on the Wabash, if it could be 
obtained upon reasonable terms, I was directed by the President to give them information of the disposition of the 
General Government on that subject, and to try to effect it; at the same time. I was instructed by him to take measures 
for the security of the frontier country, in case of their continuing hostile. The following is extracted from his instruc- 



1-90.] THE NORTHWESTERN INDIANS. 95 

tions to me on that head (here was inserted that part of my instructions relative to the militia. 1 I have now to 
infoiTii you that there is no prospect of peace with the said Indians at present; on tlie contrary, tfiey continue very 
ill disposed towards the United States in general, and to Virginia in particular: and many parties are, from infor- 
mation lately received, now actually gone to war. The commanding officer of the troops and myself have, there- 
fore, concerted a plan of oflensive operations against them, and in conformity with the above recited instructions, I 

now call upon,you, in the name of the President of the United States, ^»r men, rank and file, and properly 

officered, according to the legal establisliment of the militia of your State, to act in conjunction with the federal 

troops, against the said Indians; and that they be at , on the day of September next, armed, accoutred, and 

equipped, for a service of sixty days or more, after they shall have joined the troops, unless the object in \'iew shall 
be sooner accomplished. 

The laudable desire, and ardent spirit, to repress incursions of the savages, by which the militia have been actu- 
ated, upon all occasions, leave not room for a doubt but the present opportunity to punish them for tiie many injuries 
and cruelties they have committed, will be embraced with zeal. But allov/ me to observe, tliat it is of the utmost 
importance that they be punctually at the rendezvous. 

I ha^e the honor to be, &c. 

AR. ST. CLAIR. 



The counties of Virginia were called upon in the following proportion, which were assigned them fiom tlie best 
information I could get, of their respective strengths: 

The county of Nelson, 125 

Lincoln, 125 ^To rendezvous at Fort Steuben, on the 12th September. 
Jefferson, 5C 

Madison, 
Mercer. 

Bourbui ^^^^ '*'^° rendezvous at Fort Washington, September 15th. 

Woodford. 

Mason, 

700 • . • 

The counties of Pennsylvania, the proportions of which Avere assigned them by the number of their lepiesenta- 
trves in Assembly, which being governed oy the number of people, from time to time, appeared an equal rule, and 
was the only one I had to go by, having been able to meet with but one of the Lieutenants. 

Washington county. 220'^ 

Westrnoreland 110 '^^ asseinblc at McMaiien's creek, four miles below Wheeling, on 3d Sept. 

Alleghany. 60j ' . . ' . •. ■• 

'■ '• '•500 ■ ■ "V " 




Copy of a letter from Govenior St. Clair to the senior officer of the Pennsylvania militia, assembled at McMa- 

Imvs Creek. 

ViTTSKVRGH, August 7th, \7^Q. 
Sir: 

As soon as the detachments from the dift'erent counties are arrived, you will proceed, without loss of time, to 
fort Harmar, at the mouth of the Muskingum, and there join the Federal troops under the command of Major 
Doughty, who will either conduct you to head quarters, or direct the manner in which you are to proceed to that 
place. I do hope, and expect, that nothing will prevent tiie whole (juota of Pennsylvania from being assembled at 
the appointed place and time; after which, you will remaiti on that giound not a moment longer than is necessary; 
at all events you must be in motion from thence, on, or before, the 10th of September: for the delaying beyond that 
period, even for one day, might create difficulties and cmb;irrassments that would not be easily got over, if it did 
not render the expedition altogether abortive. 

I have mentioned the 10th as tlie utmost period, but you are by no means to delay it to that time, if tiie different 
detachments are sooner arrived. Should it iiappen that any of them are not got up when you move, leave directions 
for them to follow you with all possible expedition to Fort Washington, without halting at Muskingum. You will 
be sure to take the necessary measures for the security of your camp, while you remain at the rendezvous, and 
on your way down the river; possibly you may see no Indians, or none that are hostile, but a sui-prise is ever to be 
guarded against, so that you will never encamp without establishing proper guards and patrols, nor even go ashore, 
for ever so short a time, without tiie same precaution. 

You will please to observe that many of the friendly Indians witliwhom the United States are engaged by treaty, 
may be in the neighborhood of McMahen's creek, and that they have a right to hunt in that countrj-. It is of great 
consequence tliat no injury be done to any of them, both for the sake of public faith, which has been pledged to them, 
and to keep them detached from those who are inimical. 

You will therefore impress the necessity of treating tiiose Indians with kindness, should any of them be met 
with, upon the minds of the people under your command, in the most forcible manner. Indeed, the success of the 
expedition, in some measure, depends upon it. They are the Wyandots and Delawares. If you see any of them, 
assure them no harm is intended them, if they continue in peace. 

' AR. ST. CLAIR. 



The Governor of the Western Territory to the Secretary of JFar. ,..,-• 

.....^ ' Marietta, 19th September, 1790. 

The depredations on the Ohio and tlie Wabash still continue; every day, almost, brings an account of some 1 

murder or robbery, and yesterday a number of horses were taken from this settlement. Not long ago, a boat ! 

belonging to Mr. Vigo, a gentleman of Post St. Vincennes, was fired upon near the mouth of Blue River. This I 

person, the United States have been very much obliged to on many occasions, and is, in truth, the most disinterested | 

person I have almost ever seen. He had three men killed, and was obliged in consequence to fall doM'n the river. \ 

This party, it seems, had been designed to intercept me: for they reported that they had had three fair discharges at i 

the Governor's boat, and expected that they had killed him. In descending the river, Mr. Vigo's boat fell in with I 

Mr. Melchor's, returning from Tennessee, and attempted, in company with him, to ascend the Wabash. Here '| 

lliey were attacked again. Melchor escaped, and fell down, it seems, to the Ance de la graisse, but the savages • 
possessed themselves of Vigo's boat, which they plundered of all his and the crew's personal baggage and arms; but 



96 INDIAN AFFAIRS. ^ [1790. 

as she was navigated by Frenchmen, they suffered them to depart with tiie peltries, telling them that, if she had not 

been in company with Americans, they would not have injured them, and that, if they found them in such again, 

they would put them to death. Captain McCurdy likewise was fired upon between Fort Washington and this place, 

and had five or six men killed and wounded. 

'• I am directed to write to the commanding officer at Deti'oit. I have enclosed a copy of that letter." 

• 
f 

Governor St. Clair to the commanding officer of Detroit. 

Marietta, 19/A September, 1790. 
Sir: 

As it is not improbable that an account of the military preparations going forward in this quarter of the country 
may reach you, and give you some uneasiness, while the object to which they are to be directed is not perfectly 
known to youj I am commanded by the President of the United States to give you tlie fullest assurances of the 
pacific disposition entertained towards Great Britain and all her possessions, and to inform you explicitly that the 
expedition about to be undertaken, is not intended against the post you have the honor to command, nor any other 
place at present inthe possession of the troops of his Britannic Majesty, but is on foot with the sole design of humbling 
and chastising some of the saAage tribes whose depredations are become intolerable, and whose cruelties have of late 
become an outrage, not on the people of America only, but on humanity, which I_ now do in the most unequivocal 
manner. After tiiis candid explanation, sir, there is every reason to expect, both from your own personal character, 
and from the regard you have for that of your nation, that those tribes will meet with neither countenance nor assist- 
ance from any under your command, and that you will do what in your power lies, to restrain the trading people, 
from whose instigations there is too good reason to believe, much of the injuries committed by the savages has proceeded. 
I have forwarded this letter by a private gentleman, in preference to that of an officer, by whom you might have 
expected a communication of this kind, that every suspicion of the purity of the views of the United States might 
be obviated. ... 



Governor St. Clair to the Secretary of War. , . 

Fort Washington, 9th October, 1790. 

On the 23d ultimo, I arrived at this place, and found every thing in a better state of preparation than I had flat- 
tered myself with, owing to the prudent care and attention of General Harmar, and the indefatigable application of 
Captain Ferguson. The militia that had been ordered from Kentucky, appeared on the day appointed, all except 
one hundred and forty, who have since come forward, and marched to join the army. Major Wyllis, with the troops 
from the falls, got up on the 22d, and Major Doughty, with part of the garrison of tort Harmar. arrived on the 25tn. 
From the failure on the part of Pennsylvania, the corps would have been rather too weak, and General Harmar was 
of opinion with me, that it would be proper to ask for a reinforcement from Kentucky, and in virtue of tlie powers 
granted to me by the President, I immediately called for five hundred from the counties of Fayette and Woodford, 
which were the nearest, and also the most populous, and requested that, if it could be done, they might all be 
mounted; but as the other militia had been for some time here, and were beginning to grow impatient, it was thought 
best not to wait for the arrival of the reinforcement, and accordingly the corps under the immediate command of 
Colonel Harding, was put in inotion on the 27th, with orders to advance about twenty miles, and to open a road 
from their camp to this place, for the passage of the artillery. By the accounts we have of the country, after the 
first twenty miles are passed, it becomes level, and so thinly covered with wood, that there will be little occasion to 
open roads. On the 30th, General Harmar moved wtli the troops, three pieces of artillery, and the provisions for 
the campaign, the cattle and horses for the transportation of the flour having arrived in due season. On the 2d 
instant, Mr. Frotliingham arrived with the remainder of the garrison of fort Hannar, and proceeded to join the 
army on the third. 

1 have not heard from General Harmar since his second day's inarch. Tiie country was then hilly and difiicult 
for the artillery; but some persons who had been viewing the countiy came in two day's ago, who confirm the account 
of its very soon becoming level and open. Tiiey fell in upon the trace of the army about seven miles from Mud 
river, and returned upon it In that distance, there had been occasion to make only one very small causeway with 
logs. They must be up with Chillicothe before now. and if they have not been opposed there, which I do not expect, 
as it is situated in a plain prairie. The Indians will be found assembled at the Miami village. Major Hamtramck 
had orders from General Harmar to move on the 25th of the last month, and the militia would join him in time for 
him to comply with the orders within a day or two at farthest. 

The intelligence I received shall be communicated from time to time, by every opportunity, and by express, if 
any thing occurs of sufficient importance. 

The little army moved in high spirits, and have had excellent weather ever since, one day's rain excepted. 



Messrs. Elliot and Williams, Contractors, to the Secretary of War. 

Uth October, 1790. 

In consequence of orders received from General Harmar, dated tlie 15th of July, which we engaged to comply 
with by the 1st of October, we have, before the 18th of September, furnished and equipped for the use of the army, 
in the intended expedition against the savages, one hundred and eighty thousand rations of flour, two hundred 
thousand rations of meat, eight hundred and sixty -eight pack and artillery horses, equipped with pack saddles, bags, 
ropes, &c. and one horse-master general, eighteen horse-masters, one hundred and thirty pack-horse drivers, all of 
which could not have been done upon so short a notice as we have had, if we had not employed all our funds, 
and pledged our credit to the extent, to the people of the Western country, where the supplies were principally 
furnished. 

The expedition, we trust, cannot fail from any default of ours, for we have forwarded supplies in greater quan- 
tities than were required of us; and even more than our most sanguine expectations, at the commencement of the 
business, encouraged us to promise. 



Instructions from the President of the United States to the Governor of the Western Territory. — 6th October, 1789. 
To Arthur St. Clair, Esq. 

Govemorofthe territory of the United States northwest of the Ohio, and Superintendent of Indian Afi^rs for the Northern district : 

Sir: 

Congress having, by their act of the 29tli of September last, empowered me to call forth the militia of the States, 
respectively, for the protection of the frontiers from the incursions of the hostile Indians, I have thought proper to 
make tliis communication to you, together with the instructions herein contained . 



17^.] THE NORTHWESTERN INDIANS. 97 

It is highly necessary that I should as soon as possible, possess full information, whether the Wabash and lUi- \y 
nois Indians are most inclir.ed for war or peace. If for the former, it is proper that I sliould be informed of the means 
which will most probably induce them to peace. If a peace can be established with the said Indians on reasonable 
terms, the interests of the United States dictate, that it should be effected as soon as possible. 

You will therefore inform the said Indians of the dispositions of the General Government outhis subject, and of 
their reasonable desire that there should be a cessation of hostilities as a prelude to a treaty. If, however, notwith- 
standing your intimations to them, they should continue their hostilities, or meditate any incursions against the 
frontiers of Virginia and Pennsylvania, or agaiilst any of tlie troops or posts of the United States, and it should appear 
to you that the time of execution would be so near as to forbid your transmitting the information to me, and receiv- 
ing my further orders thereon, then you are hereby authoriz-ed and empowered, iii my name, to call on the lieute- 
nants of the nearest counties of Virginia and Pennsylvania, for such detachments of militia as you may judge proper, 
not exceeding, however, one thousand from Virginia and five hundred from Pennsylvania. 

I have directed letters to be written to the Executives of Virginia and Pennsylvania, informing tiiem of the before 
recited act of Congress, and that I have given you these conditional directions, sothattiiere may not be any obstruc- 
tions to such measures as shall be necessary to be taken by you for calling forth the militia agreeably to the instruc- 
tions herein contained. 

The said militia to act in conjunction with tlie federal troops, in such operations, offensive or defensive, as you, 
and the commanding officer of the troops, conjointly, shall judge necessary for the public service, and the protection 
of the inhabitants and the posts. 

The said militia, while in actual service, to be on the continental establishment of pay and rations; they are to 
rj-m and equip themselves, but to be furnished with public ammunition if necessary, and no charge for the pay of 
said militia will be valid unless supported by regular musters, made by a field or other officer of the federal troops, 
to be appointed by the commanding officer of tiie troops. 

I would have it observed forcibly, that a war with the Wabash Indians ought to be avoided by all means consist- i/' 
ently with the security of the frontier inhabitants, the security of the troops, and the national dignity. In the exer- 
cise of the present indiscriminate hostilities, it is extremely difficult, if not impossible, to say tliat a war without 
further measures would be just on tiie part of the United States. 

But, if, after manifesting clearly to the Indians, the dispositions of the General Government for the preservation , 
of peace, and the extension of a just protection to the said Indians, they should continue their incursions, the 
United States will be constrained to punish them with severity. 

You will, also, proceed, as soon as you can, with safety, to execute the orders of the late Congress, respecting 
the inhabitants at St. Vincennes, and at the Kaskaskias. and the other villages on the Mississippi. It is a circum- 
stance of some importance, that the said inhabitants should, as soon as possible, possess the lands to which they are 
entitled, by some known and fixed principles. 

I have directed a number of copies of the treaty made by you, at fort Ilarmar. with the Wyandots, &c. on the 
9th of January last, to be printed and forwarded to you, together with the ratification, and my proclamation 
enjoining the observance thereof. 

As it may be of high importance to obtain a precise and accurate knowledge of tlie several waters which empty 
into the Ohio, on the northwest, and of those which discharge themselves in the lakes Erie and Michigan, the lengtli 
of the portiiges between, and nature of the ground, an early and pointed attention thereto is earnestly recom- 
mended. 

Given under my hand, in the city of New York, this 6th day of October, in the year of our Lord one thou- 
sand seven hundred and eighty-nine, and in the thirteenth year of the sovereignty and independence of 
the United States. 



■ " The Secretary of War to General Harmar. 

7th June, 1790, 

The information contained in your letter of the 24th of March last, relative to the depredations of the Indians, 
is corroborated by several other letters, with considerable additions. The reports of these several events, have 
excited much disquietude in the public mind generally, and, more particularly, in all men whose views or interests ' 
are westward. 

A letter from Judge Symnies, dated at Lexington, the 30th of April last, mentions, that you, with some con- 
tinental troops, and General Scott, with some volunteers from Kentucky, had made an expedition up the Ohio, 
against the Indians, at or near the Scioto, who had annoyed the boats in descending the Ohio, but without any con- 
siderable effectj hayin,g killed only four Indians. 

The recent hostilities, according to the information, seems to have been committed by the remnants of the Shaw- 
anese, and the banditti from several tribes associated with them. Although the said Shawanese, and banditti, 
aggregatelyj may not amount, at the excess, to tvvo hundred fighting men, yet they seem sufficient to alarm the 
whole frontier lying along the Ohioj and, in a considerable degree, injure the reputation of the Government. 

To extend a defensive and efficient protection to so extensive a frontier, against solitary, or small parties of 
enterprising savages, seems altogether impossible. No other remedy remains, but to extirpate, utterly, if possible, 
the said banditti. 

The President of the L^nited States, therefore, directs, that you, and the Governor of the Western Territory, 
consult together upon the most practicable mode of effecting this object, in such manner as not to interfere with any 
treaties he may be about forming with any of the regular tribes of Indians on the Wabash. 

At this distance, and under the information received, it would seem that an expedition of the nature herein 
described, might, if conducted with great address and rapidity, be attended with the desired effect. 

The troops to be employed on this occasion, to be composed of one hundreil continental, and three hundred 
militia, non-commissioneJ officers and privates, all picked men, and properly officered. 

The militia to be drawn from the nearest counties of Kentucky, to rendezvous at fort Washington, or the mouth 
of the Great Miami, or such other place as you may judge more proper, to be engaged for thirty days from their 
arrival at the rendezvous. 

The continental troops and militia to be mounted on horseback, and if, in the judgment of the Governor and 
yourself, that mode of transportation would most probably ensure success, and horses could be obtained in a rea- 
sonable distance. 

The militia to be on continental pay, according to the establishment, passed the 30th April last j and rations 
from the time of their arrival at the place of rendezvous. 

A continental officer, to muster and inspect the militia on their arrival, and none to be inserted in the pay 
abstracts, which must be certified by you, unless so mustered. The militia to find their own arms and accoutre- 
ments, but to be furnished by the public, with ammunition, if necessary. 

The militia officers, non-commissioned officers, and privates, to be allowed for the hire and risk of their horses, 
and horse accoutrements, such a sum, per day, as the Governor and you shall cei-tify that the nature of the service 
required; provided, however, such sum shall not exceed half a dollar per day. 

The horses to be hired for continental troops, to be on the same terms, or less, in proportion to the risk of the 
horses, which, perhaps, ought to be on account of the United States, according to the value of the horses, which, 
in that case, ought to be appraised. 

It is presumed, that each horse, besides the rider, ought to carry thirty days bread and pork, or bacon, and 
about a bushel of corn, or one quart per day, as fodder for the horses. 



98 INDIAN AFFAIRS. [1790. 

The Shawanese, and banditti associated with them, are said to reside on the eastern branches of the Wabash 
river, towards its head. I have learned from Major Doughty and Captain Ferguson, that the Wabash has a more 
easterly course than is laid down in Hutchin's map. If this be so, the distance from the mouth of the Great Miami, 
over, cannot greatly exceed the distance from the rapids over to Post St. Vincennes. But, suppose the distance 
should be one hundred and thirty or forty miles, it could be marched on horseback, in four days, at furthest. 

It would be unnecessary to enter into any further details. To the judgment of the Governorand you, the expe- 
dition may justly be confided. Efficacy, and the peace of the frontiers, are the great objects; with these are to be 
blended due economy. But, all future depredations of the Indians from the soutliwest of the Ohio, in considerable 
numbers, must, if possible, be prevented: and, for this purpose, the orders now given, or even an extension of them, 
one or two hundred men, must be considered as a standing order, until tlie object of extirpating the murderous ban- 
ditti before mentioned, be effected. 

It is, however, strongly to be observed, that the highest precautions must be taken in all incursions into the 
Indian country, that the friendly, or even neutral tribes, be uninjured, but, that the strongest assurances be given 
to such tribes, of the pacific and just dispositions of the United States, and, at the same time, of their firm inten- 
tions of inflicting severe punishment upon all those of a contrary nature. 

Although these orders are to be considered as addressed, conjointly to the Governor and yourself, yet, in case 
of his absence, and a conviction, in your own mind, that an expedition of the beforementioned description would 
not interfere, or impede his negotiations, you are to undertake it as if he were present. 



Tlie Secretary of War to the Secretary of the Treasury. 



9.5(1 August, 1790. 



vi?n estimate of the expense of employing, for three months, one thousand seven hundred militia, and four hundred 
continental troops, in an expedition against the Wabash Indians — two hundred of the militia to be mounted. 

The Militia. 

The pay, ---.--.--.. v^-,,; j- - - $24,012 

The subsistence and rations at 16-90ths of a dollar, - . ^ iyr.y.'.y- - - 31,302 

Forage for the field and staff officers, - - - ■ 0-,u ,.(;:> !i->v' ; - Mi-'i? - 234 



$55,548 



The Continental Troops. 

\dditional expense of subsistence and rations to the continental troops, during the same period. 
This expense arises from the contract; the price of the ration at fort Washington is stated at six 
and a half ninetieths of a dollar; but, from that post to the places of operation, the price will be 
sixteen-ninetieths, - . 4,146 

The quartermaster's department, including the hire of four hundred horses, purchase of boats, and 

transportation, 30,000 

Contingencies, - - 10,306 



$100,000 



The contiactors are to execute the duties of the quartermaster's department; the extra services, therefore, 
which will be required of them, independent of the sum set down for contingencies, will amount to sixty-five 
thousand six hundred and eighty -two dollars. One half of this sum may be necessary to be advanced immediately, 
to enable them to perform effectually the services required. 



The Secretary of War to Governor St. Clair. 

25d Jugust, 1790. 

I have submitted to the President of the United States, your letter of this date, and the papers therein refen-ed to, 
containing the reasons on which you have founded the proposed operation against the Wabash Indians. 

While the President regrets exceedingly the occasion, he approves the measures you have taken, for preventing 
those predatory incursions of the Wabash Indians, which, for a considerable period past, have been so calamitous to 
the frontiers lying along the Ohio. 

The offers of peace, which have been made upon principles of justice and humanity, to the Wabash Indians, and 
refused- v.ill fully justify the conduct of the Unitecf States in the operations which have been directed for the pre- 
vention of future murders and robberies. 

It is the earnest desire of the President that the operation should be effectual, and produce in the Indians proper 
dispositions for peace. He therefore confides in your judgment and abilities, as being perfectly acquainted with the 
force of the Indians, the nature of the operation, and all the circumstances of the case, whether any fnrther force 
shall be added to that already ordered. If, upon due deliberation, you should be of opinion that the force you liave 
directed should be inadequate to the end proposed, and that an additional number of militia should be requisite, he 
consents to the measure, and hereby authorizes you for that purpose. 

In this case, the additional number of militia should be taken from tlie frontier counties of Virginia, on account of 
their vicinity to fort Washington, the place of rendezvous. 

And, if you should be of the jndgment that two hundred of the militia should be mounted on horse-back, he also 
consents to such arrangement, under the regulations prescribed in my letter to Brigadier General Harmar, of the 
7th day of last June. 

It may not, however, be improper to observe, in all the arrangements for the expedition, that, while energy is the 
first principle to be observed, it must be blended with a just economy. 

There are existing jealousies in the minds of the British officers, in Canada, of the designs of the United States 
respecting the posts to have been relinquished by the last peace. It will be a point, therefore, of delicacy, that you 
should take measures, by sending some officer or messenger, at a proper time, to assure the commanding officer of 
the real object of the expedition. That the Shawanese, and some otliers joined with them, have committed such 
enormous offences against the citizens of the United States, as are any longer insuppoi-table; but, to assure him of 
the entire pacific disposition of the United States towards Great Britain and its possessions. 

You will also find it, at some certain moment, highly proper to inform the Indians, with whom you have formed 
treaties, of your pacific dispositions towards them. 

And it may also be proper, under certain circumstances of humiliation of the Indians, to conclude with them 
treaties of peace, provided it can be done on proper security of tlieir good behavior, and consistently with the dignity 
and interest of the United States. 

• '^u^ President has directed me to observe, that many important circumstances concur to press, that the opera- 
tion should commence immediately after the assembling of the militia; and as the main force will march from fort 
Washington, it is his opinion, as far as an opinion can be formed from the maps, that the march of the troops from 
that post, should commence two or three days previous to tliose from Post Vincennes. 



1790.] THE NORTHWESTERN INDIANS. 99 



The militia employed must be mustered previously to their march, and on their return before they are discharged, 
by a field officer of the continental troops, agreeably to your instructions from the President, dated the 5th of 
October, 1789, and to Brigadier General Harmar. dated the 7th of June last. 

I have made an estimate for the object of the expedition, and transmitted it to the Secretary of the Treasury, and 
I have requested liim to ad^•ance a sum ot money to the contractors, in order to enable them to furnish the requisite 
supplies of provision and articles in the quartermaster's department. 

1 have also written to JNIr. Hodgden, commissary of niilitary stores in Philadelphia, to forward, immediately, by 
the way of Red Stone and Wheeling, two tons of best rifle and musket powder, four tons leaden bullets, cartridge- 
paper, case shot for 5h inch howitzers, and for three and six pounders. 

I have written to Lieutenant Ernest, at fort Pitt, directing him to repair to Red Stone, in order to receive said 
stores, and to have them transported down the Monongaheia, by water, to fort Harmar, or to Wheeling, by land, 
and thence to fort Harmar, as he shall find most convement. , 



TTie Secretary of War to Brigadier General Harmar. 

August 24, 1790. 

I now acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 15th of last month, by Governor St. Clair, who has stated to 
me the plan of the proposed expedition against the Indians, and the same has been subniitted to the President of the 
United States, who has approved thereof. 

My letter to the.Governor. of yesterday, which he will communicate to you, contains some circumstances whidi 
may not be necessary to repeat. 

The expedition you are about to undertake is not only of great importance in itself, but it may be attended with 
extensive and remote consequences. Every consideration, therefore, of a public nature, as well as personal to your- 
self, require that it should be conducted in the most perfect manner; that there should not be any omissions, but all 
just arrangements made to produce a due execution of every plan and order. 

A knowledge of your enemy's strength, situation, and designs, must be essential to your success;you will, there- 
fore, make the best airan^ements for obtaining intelligence. 

While, on the one hand, your movements and execution should be so rapid and decisive as to astonish youreneniy, 
so, on the other, every possible precaution in the power of human foresight should be used to prevent surprise. To 
enter into the details of tlie measures you ou^ht to take to effect the former, or prevent the latter, would be to 
attempt to preclude the exercise of your abilities. The President of the United States is impressed with the con- 
viction that you are aware of the iinportance of your command, and that you will endeavor to make the best airange- 
ments to ensure success, ami particularly that you will avail yourself, on all occasions, of the mature experience and 
judgment of Governor St. Clair. 

I have, agreeably to Major Doughty's report, directed Mr. Hodgden to forward two tons of the best rifle and 
musket powder, lead in proportion, cartridge paper, flints, and the medicines you wrote for, the capital articles of 
which are doubled. 

I have transmitted you, by Governor St. Clair, one thousand dollars for contingent money, for which you will 
forward me triplicate receipts. 

As it is probable that most of tlie militia may be armed with rifles, which are certainly not good arms in a close 
fight, it may, perhaps, be proper for you to attempt to persuade some of them to arm themselves with the spare 
muskets you have in store. 

P. S. It will be necessaiy that you communicate the time of your setting out, the number of your command, the 
progress and termination of the expedition, and the various events proper for the President to know. 



TTie Secretary of War to the Governor of Virginia. 

. ' ' ' "■ ' , • ". Septembers, 1790. 

Governor St. Clair has, in person, laid before the President the plan of the proposed operation against the Wabash 
Indians, which has been approved. 

It being the anxious desire of the President that the expedition should be eftectual, and not require a repetition, 
all the arrangements are made to accomplish so desirable an end. For this purpose. Governor St. Clair has been 
further empowered to require, if necessary, an additional number of men. If, therefore, there aie any measures 
necessary to be taken by your Excellency and the council, in order to facilitate an additional number of men, tlie 
President of the United States hopes they will be expedited with all possible despatch. 

It has been suggested that the expedition may be liable to miscarriage, from a jealousy of the militia and regular 
troops. It is devoutly to be wished that such suggestions may be entirely unfounded. But, if jealousies should 
exist, it would be highly important that they shoulube entirely removed, or suspended during the season of activity. 
I shall write particularly on this point to Governor St. Clair and to Brigadier General Harmar, to adopt the most 
conciliatory conduct 

It has also been mentioned as a circumstance of considerable importance to the success of the expedition, that 
Colonels Logan and Shelby should be induced to accompany the militia on the expedition, even as volunteers,! great 
confidence being placed in the characters of these gentlemen. Could your Excellency, therefore, influence those 
gentlemen to go forth on this occasion, it would be highly acceptable, and might tend greatly to the accomplishment 
of the public good. The expense of the expedition will be gi'eat, and if it should fail by any circumstances whatever, 
the public injury and disappointment will be in proportion. 

it is thought proper, for particular and political reasons, to give the expedition the appeai-ance of being levelled 
only at die Shawanese. . . _. 



Tlie Secretai-y of War to Messrs. Elliot and Williams, at Baltimore. 

September 3, 1790. 

Your friend, Colonel Samuel Smith, has been here, and has made such arrangements with the Secretary of the 
Treasury, respecting advances, as are entirely satisfactory to him. You will, therefore, not find yourselves any ways 
restraineu in your preparations for want of pecuniary assistance. 

I am persuaded that you will endeavor, by every possible exertion, to make adequate preparations, both in the 
commissary and quartermaster's line, for the proposed expedition. 

■ On your making adequate and seasonable supplies, the whole success of the expedition may depend. You will 
see, therefore, tlie urgent necessity of every thing being in perfect readiness. 



100 INDIAN AFFAIRS. [1790. 



TTie Secretary of J far to Governor St. Clair. 

September 12, 1790. 

I have not been unmindful of tlie suggestion you made at the moment of your departure from this city, relative 
to the establishment of a post at the Miami village, in the event of the proposed expedition's succeeding in a cei-tain 
degree. I have had a full communication on the subject with the President of the United States, to whom you had 
previously made the same suggestion, and the following ideas are the result thereof, and will serve for the direction 
of yourself and Brigadier General Harmar on the occasion. 

In contemplating the establishment of military posts northwest of the Ohio, to answer the purposes of awing the 
Indians residing on the Wabash, the west end of Lake Erie, St. Joseph's, and the Illinois, as much as Indians can 
be awed by posts, and at the same time exhibiting a respectable appearance to the British troops at Detroit and 
Niagara, the Miami village presents itself as supenor to any other position, excepting the actual possession of the 
posts on the lakes, which ought to have been given up comformable to the treaty of peace. This opinion was given 
to me by the President in the year 1789, and has several times been held forth by me to Brigadier General Harmar. 

But, at the same time, it must be acknoAvledged that the measure would involve a much larger military establish- 
ment, than, perhaps, the value of the object, or the dispositions of the United States would justify, and that it would 
be so opposed to the inclinations of the Indians generally, even with the tribes with whom we have made treaties, as 
to bring on inevitably an Indian war of some duration. In addition to which, it may be supposed that the British 
garrisons would find themselves so uneasy with such a force impending over them, as not only to occasion a consi- 
derable reinforcement of their upper posts, but to occasion their fomenting, secretly at least, the opposition of the 

Theproposed expedition is intended to exhibit to the Wabash Indians our power to punish them for their hostile 
depredations, for their conniving at the depredations of others, and for their refusing to treat with the United States 
when invited tiiereto. This power will be demonstrated by a sudden stroke, by w'laich their towns and crops may 
be destroyed. The principal means used will be the militia. 

Let us suppose the expedition to be successful, as I pray God it may, and let us estimate the force which would 
be fully required for establishing a post at the Miami Village. 

From the mode of Indian fighting, it will not be reasonable to conclude their force will be greatly reduced in the 
skirmishes; they may have with Brigadier General Harmar, or Major Hamtramck. If, therefore, eleven hundred 
warriors, according to your judgment, delivered to me, could be brought into activity from the Wabash and its 
vicinity, to which may be added a much greater number, if we should suppose that the Wyandot, Delaware, St. 
Joseph's, and Illinois Indians should be combined witli them, the post to be established ought not to have a less 
garrison than 750 men; were it inferior to this number, it would always be liable to be invested and to have its 
supplies cut oft", even when arrived in its vicinity. Whether the posts of communication essentially necessary to 
the existence of the Miami post, should be up the Wabash, up the Miami of the Ohio, or the Miami of lake Erie, 
they would require at different places, at least 500 men. . 

To establish the post in the first instance, so as to render it superior to the Indian force in the neighborhood, 
would require all the troops employed in the expedition, to wit, 2,000: for if a sudden stroke, by which the attention 
and force of the Indians should be divided, would require that number, the notoriety of establishing a post and 
erecting fortifications at the Miami village, in the heart of the Indian country, would require the same or a superior 
number; as the Indians would then have one object of their attention and exertion. 

To complete the works at the post, and the essential communications to it, would probably require two months. 
W^ould the militia stay for that period? It so, would part of them remain in garrison afterwards, for six months? for 
the four hundred continental troops to be employed on the expedition, would be utterly inadequate for all the 
services required. „ . ^ , • -■ 

Besides, the post could not be established, unless it had a number of pieces of cannon, and a proper quantity of 
stores, and also three months' provision in the first instance. The transportation of these articles, would require 
considerable time and a great apparatus. 

It might be added, further, that, although the establishment of a strong post, at the Miami Village, would awe the 
Indians, yet experience has demonstrated tliat posts will not prevent the depredations of small parties against the 

frontiers. , ,- , i ^ ■ • , 

To render the measure entirely effectual, and at the same time to guard the public lands from intrusion, the 
regular force to be employed, northwest of the Ohio, ought to be increased to 1,800 men. This establishment would 
not be compatible either with the public views or the public finances, unless it should result from mere necessity; a due 
consideration, therefore, of these several circumstances, renders the measure atthispenod inexpedient, and, there- 
fore, not to be undertaken. .,,.,, ■ , 

The expedition will either incline the Indians to treat of peace, or it will induce them to wage open war m the 
ensuing spring. \. further time is also required, to know the intentions of the Bntisli court, respecting the delivery 
of Niagara and Detroit The decision of this point has an intimate connexion with the peace of the frontiers. 

The ultimate determination of Government must, therefore, depend on the result of the arrangements which have 
been directed and which are in operation. It would not be wise to direct a measure which would give a wrong bias 

The President will be exceedingly desirous to learn the measures taken by yourself and Brigadier General Har- 
mar, from time to time, and above all, he is exceedingly anxious that every arrrangement should be made to render 
the proposed expedition entirely effectual. 



Secretary of War to General Harmar. 

I4th September, 1790. 

The expense of the proposed expedition will be great; but, I have that confidence in your econoiiw:ai arrai^e- 
ments, that you will not order more pack-horses than shall be absolutely necessarv, consistent with efficacy. Tlie 
pack-horses for provisions, will be at the contractor's expense. It is true they will have an additional price for the 
rations; but, as you will not take tents, and. in all other respects, will be unincumbered, and as light as possible. I 
do not conceive that you will Avant pack-horses for other objects than your provisions. I have written to the 
Governor by this conveyance, respecting the Miami village, which will be considered as a joint letter. The Presi- 
dent of the United States will be anxious to hear of tlie arrangements and success. 



Tlie Secretary of War to General Harmar. 

3(f September, 1790. 

Since the departure of Governor St. Clair, I have been informed, that there may be an aversion in tlie minds of 
the militia to act with the regular troops. If this should really be the case, and any jealousies should arise, to 
impede the success of the expedition, it would indeed be an unfortunate circumstance. Eveiy precaution therefore 
should be taken by the Governor and yourself, either to remove such dispositions, if existing, or to prevent them 
arising among the militia. 



1790.] THE NORTHWESTERN INDIANS. 101 



It has been suggested, tliat, could Colonels Logan and Shelby, of Kentucky, be induced to accompany the expe- 
dition as volunteers, they would have a powerful influence over the conduct of the militia. I therefore submit 
theideaj that the Governor and you invite those characters to accompany you in tlie expedition, and that you treat 
them with the greatest cordiality. 

To Governor St. Clair, or Brigadier General Harmar. 

War Office, March 3, 1790. 
Sir: 

In pursuance of powers vested in the President ot the United States, by the act of Congress, passed the 
29th day of September, 1789, he authorized you, by his instructions, dated the 6th of October following, in certain 
cases, and in the proportions therein specifiecf, to call forth the militia of Virginia and Pennsylvania, for the protec- 
tion of die frontiers against the depredations of the Indians. 

Since transmitting you the aforesaid instructions, he has received several applications for protection, from the 
inliabitants of the frontier counties of Virginia, lying along the south side of the Ohio. These applications are 
founded on the depredations of small parties of Indians during tlie last year, who, it seems, have murdered many 
of the unguarded inhabitants, stolen tneir horses, and burned their houses. 

Until the last year, an arrangement of the following nature existed at the expense of Virginia. The lieutenants 
of the exposed counties, under certain restrictions, were permitted to call forth a number of active men as patrols 
or scouts, as they ai-e generally termed, and parties of rangers; but tlie government of that State thought proper to 
discontinue that arrangement on the organization of the General Government, to which the inhabitants oi the said 
counties now apply for protection. 

All applications of this nature have been placed before the Congress for their information, and in order that they 
may adopt such measures as the case may require. But as the season is fast approaching in which the inhabitants 
are apprehensive of a repetition of the injuries suffered the last year, they seem to be of an opinion, that their 
situation requires some conditional security, previously to the measures which may result from the deliberations of 
Congress. 

The President of the United States has, therefore, so far conformed to their apprehensions on this point, as to 
refer the case to you, or in your absence to Brigadier General Harmar, and to give you the authority herein 
described. 

1st. That if, from good and sufficient information, it should be your judgment, or^ in your absence, the judgment 
of the commanding officer aforesaid, that anv of the frontier counties of Virginia, lying along the south of the Ohio, 
are, under existing circumstances, threatened immediately with incursive parties of Indians, that you or the said com- 
manding ofiBcer, under your hands and seals, empower the lieutenants of such exposed counties to call forth a 
particular number of scouts, in proportion to the danger of the said counties, not, however, exceeding, for one county, 
the number of eight men. The said scouts to be continued in service no longer than the danger shall exist, accord- 
ing to the judgment of the county lieutenants. 

2d. That, when the said service shall be performed, the following evidence thereof shall be required: 

1st. A return of the names, ages, and residence, of the said scouts. 

2d. An abstract of the pay of the said scouts, specifying the exact days in which they were so employed. The 
pay to be regulated by the lowest price in the respective counties in which the service may be performed; and on 
this point, you and the commanding officer will be particularly accurate. I have been informed, that 5s. Virginia 
currency per day, has been given to each of the scouts. If this high price has been given, it must form the excess 
to be given on the part of the United States. 

od. An account of rations, each ration being stated at not a higher rate that 6rf. per ration. 

4th. All these papers might be signed and certified on oath by the county lieutenants, or commanding officer of 
each county, and transmitted to Brigadier General Harmar, in order to be delivered to the paymaster of his regiment, 
who will have tlie accounts passed, and draw the money for the same. The money so drawn, to be paid by him to 
the county lieutenants, who must produce to him the receipts of the individuals for whom the money was so drawn. 

The commanding officer will also issue a reasonable quantity of powder and ball, for the said scouts, to the county 
lieutenants. 

It is, however, to be strongly remarked, that all measures of this nature are uncertain, opposed to the principles 
of regularity, anci to be adopted only in cases of exigence, and to cease the moment the said exigencies shall cease. 
That, therefore, you, or the commanding officer aforesaid, will not confer the autliority herein contained, but in 
cases of the most conspicuous necessity; and that, when such cases do arise, that you or he transmit to this office, a 
particular detail of the evidences whereon you have fonned your judgment. H. K. 



To the Lieutenants of the counties of Harrison, Randolph, Ohio, Monongalia, arul Kenhawa; and also to the 

Lieutenant of Russell county, Jlpril 2,9th, 1790. 

. ' .. . ^. : War Office, ^/jnY 13, 1790. .. 

Sir: . • .' ' •• . 

The President of the United States, on the 3d of last month, directed me to authorize the Governor of the 
Western territory, or, in his absence, the commanding officer of the troops, in certain cases, to empower the lieuten- 
ants of the counties lying along the Ohio to call forth, for the protection of said counties, certain patrols, denomi- 
nated scouts, at the expense of the United States. Colonel Duval, lieutenant of Harrison county, was charged with 
these orders to the Governor, or Brigadier General Harmar, and from the particular interest he took in the affair, no 
doubt can remain, but that he exerted himself to have the said orders carried into full effect. 

But, as it is possible that some delays may have been occasioned, by your distance or other circumstances, and as 
the President of the United States is exceedingly desirous that the exposed counties may avail themselves of the 
provision intended in said orders, he has directed me to write to the lieutenants of the counties of Harrison, 
Randolph, Ohio, Monongalia, and Kenhawa. in Virginia, and in case their situation required the benefit of the 
said provision, that they should be empoweren for that purpose. 

Therefore, sir, I do, in the name of the President ot the United States, hereby authorize and empower you, if in 
your judgment the appearances of danger are such as to require the measure, to call forth the scouts herein men- 
tioned, and under the regulations described.* H. K. 



To Harry Jnnes, Esq. District Judge of Kentucky. 

War Office, .April 13, 1790. 
Sir: 

By some recent information from the Ohio, it appears that the Indians still continue their depredations on the 
frontiers. 

A general arrangement relative to the frontiers has been contemplated, but, not having been finally concluded 
upon by Congress, and the season of activity approaching, the President of the United States was induced, from the 

* For these regulations, see the preceding letter of the od of March, to Gov. St. Clair, or General Harmar. 
14 • 



JQ2 INDIAN AFFAIRS. ■ [1790. 



particular situation of the counties lying along the Ohio, to direct, on the 3d of last March, that the Governor of the 
Western territory, or. in his absence. Brigadier General Harmar, should be invested with a conditional authority, of 

These orders were transmitted by Colonel Duval, lieutenant of Harrison county, who would undoubtedly, as he 
was much interested in the business, convey, expeditiously the same to the commanding officer. 

But as it is possible, notwithstanding, that some delays may have taken place, and as the President ot the United 
States is exceedingly desirous that the inhabitants ot the frontier counties should experience the benefits ot the 
provision contained in the said orders to the commanding officer, he has directed me to make this communication to 
vou- and he has further directed me to empower you, that, in case any of the counties of Kentucky should not have 
already availed themselves of said provision, and should, in your judgment, stand in need thereof, that you should, 
under your hand and seal, authorize the lieutenants of such counties to call forth the scouts, precisely as to the 
numbers and under the regulations directed in the instructions to tlie Governor of the Western territory, or, in his 
absence, the commanding officer of the troops. u r. i i t» i t^ ' i ^i n i i 

The information of the wages paid for the scouts, was given by Colonel Duval, it exceeds greatly all calcula- 
tions of pay to be given persons tor performing military service, and, were it carried to a considerable extent, no 
government on earth could support it. .- j. x-i c i.u ^ i xu r. -j x 

But as this measure is regarded merely as a temporary expedient until further measures are taken, the President 
of the United States consents to the usual sums being given, which hitherto have been given by Virginia for the same 
services- at the same time, he reposes entire confidence in your character, that you will (if arrangements should not 
have been made by the commanding officer) guard in this respect the interests of the United States. 

It is the opinion of some gentlemen, well acquainted with Kentucky, that four scouts, or men, to each county, 
would be satisfactory. If this should also be your judgment, you will limit the arrangement to that number, or at 
least to the usual number heretofore employed. But as the information was different from that whereon the instruc- 
tions to the Governor and commanding officer of the 3d of March were founded, it has been concluded best to make 
no alteration in that discretionary arrangement. H. K. 



Copy of a letter written by tlie Secretary of War to the Lieutenants of the counties of Washington, in Pennsyl- 
vania, Harrison, Randolph, Ohio, Monongalia, and Kenhawa, in Virginia, Mason, Bourbon, Woodford, 
Madison, Lincoln, Mercer, Nelson, and Jefferson, in Kentucky. 

War Office, Jidy 17, 1790. 

I had the honor, on the 13th day of April last, to address you on the subject of the incursions of small parties 
of Indians on the western frontiers. In that letter I authorized you, in the name of the President of the United 
States, in certain cases of imminent danger, to call out, for the protection of the county, certain species of patrols, 
denom'inated scouts, at the expense of the United States. ^ ^'. .,'.-, „^ ^ ^ .- .u wi, <.v, -.„ 

I have now the honor, by the direction of the President of the United States, to mforni you, that the authority 
contained in said letter relative to said scouts, is to be considered as having ceased and terminated upon your receiv- 
ing this letter, duplicates of which I have written and transmitted to you. , , ,., ,- - , 

The representations of the then deplorable situation of the frontier counties, and the high estimation the said 
scouts were held in by the inhabitants, were the inducements of the President of the United States to consent to 
calling forth that expensive species of militia as a temporary measure for the protection of the exposed counties. 

But, as experience has demonstrated the inefficiency of defensive measures for an extensive frontier, against 
straggling parties of Indians, and as conditional orders have been transmitted to the Governor of the Western tern- 
tory and the commanding officer of the troops of the United States, to act offensively against the Shawanese and out- 
cast CheroT^ees joined with them, inhabiting northwest of the Ohio, who are probably the banditti which has for 
some time past committed depredations on the counties lying along the Ohio; and as the militia or rangers hereafter 
described will, in cases of necessity, be permitted, at the expense of the Union, in lieu of the scouts, it is presumed 
that no injury will be sustained by revoking the authority for calling into service so expensive a species ot troops as 

the said scouts. ^ „. ,. • i i- z- j i -n x i 

The President of the United States is anxiously desirous of effectually protecting the frontiers, and he will take 
all sucli reasonable measures as, in his judgment, the case may require, and for which be shall be, by the constitution 
or by the laws, authorized. .... , i- ■ i • • i i i 

He has, therefore, directed me to inform you, that, in addition to the general measures aforesaid, which have been 
ordered, he has empowered the Governor of the Western territory and Brigadier General Harmar, or either ot 
them, to make the arrangement hereafter described for the internal security of the exposed counties. 

The said Governor and commanding officer, or either of them, wdl. under their hands and seals, empower the 
lieutenants of such counties lying along the Ohio, as they shall judge necessary, to call forth the number of nulitia or 
rangershereafter mentioned, and under the regidations prescribed. , .^ ' 

1st. The said militia, or rangers, shall not exceed, for the internal defence of any county, one subaltern, one ser- 
geant, one corporal, and twelve privates, but such less number may be ordered as the said Governor and commanding 
officer, or county lieutenant, may judge requisite. .. • ^i r n • ^ r 

2d. The said militia, or rangers, shall, during the time of their actual service, receive the following rates of pay, 
which are the same as is by law established for the regular troops of the United States and the militia, viz: 
Lieutenant, twenty -two dollars 1 
Ensign, eighteen dollars | 

Sergeant, five dollars V per month. 

Corporal, four dollars | 

Privates, three dollars J 

3d. The said rangers shall be furnished with rations, in such manner as the lieutenants of the county shall think 
proper. The United" States will allow for each ration sixpence, Virginia currency, or eight and one-thii'd hundredth 
parts of a dollar; the subaltern to have two, and the non-commissioned and privates one ration each. 

4th. The lieutenant of eacli county will be responsible, on oath, that the said rangers shall be called into service 
only in cases of imminent danger, and that they be discharged as soon as the danger shall cease. 

That, when any service shall have been performed by said rangers, the following evidence thereof will be required: 
1st. A return of the names, rank, ages, residence, and times of sei-vice, of each of the said rangers. 
2d. A pay abstract, or account of the number of said rangers, agreeably to the aforesaid returns. 
3d. An abstract of the rations, agreeably to the aforesaid return. .• m r 

4th. These papers to be signed and verified, upon oath, by the lieutenant of the county, or commanding officer of 
the militia, who will transmit the same to Brigadier General Harmar, or the commanding officer of the troops of the 
United States on the Ohio. , •. ^ .i x xi 

5tli. Brigadier General Harmar, or the commanding officer of the troops, will certify on the said return, tiiat the 
said rangers were ordered into service in pursuance of his authority^ or the authority of the Governor of the Western 
territory. 

6th. The paymaster of the regiment of regular troops will receive the amount of the said abstracts from the trea- 
sury or pay office of the United States, and pay the same to the county lieutenants, and the said county lieutenants 
will pay each of the rangers, respectively, taking ti-iplicate receipts for the payments, two of which he must transmit 
to the paymaster aforesaid, within two months from the time he shall have received the money from the said pay- 
master; and, until these said receipts shall be transmitted to the said paymaster, the lieutenants of the counties will 



1790.] THE NORTHWESTERN INDIANS. 



103 



be held responsible for the sums they may have received, or such proportions tliereof for whicli tliey shall not have 
produced receipts from the individual rangers (or their attorneys) who performed the service. 

And whereas some of the counties may be involved in such immediate danger as not to permit the county lieu 
tenants sufficient time to obtain the authority herein mentioned from the said Governor or commandin°^ officer in 
such case the county lieutenants may order out the rangers herein mentioned, under the regulations prescribed' on 
condition tliat, as soon as may be, the said lieutenants ot the county and two magistrates make a statement to'the 
said Governor and commanding officer of the reasons which induced them to order out the said rangers 

This statement ^v^ll be considered as essential, in order that General Harmar. or the commancfin<' "officer may 
ground thereon his certificate on the pay abstracts, without which, payments will not be made. ° ' 

It may perhaps be considered as unnecessary, after stating the vouchers before mentioned, to add any further 
precautions against unnecessanly calling out the rangers before described, but, as the said service is at best only to 
be viewed as an expedient, rather temporary and desultorj-. than permanent and regular, it is the earnest desire of the 
President ot the L nited States that it should be conducted with tlie highest economy. He therefore has desired that 
the county lieutenants may be strongly impressed ^\ith this idea, as well from a personal regaid to tliemselves as to 
the common welfare ot the \\ estern country and the United States. 

If the permission now given be used witii great discretion, and only in cases of real necessity, every consideration 
will, in future, justily a more extensive and perfect protection, should tlie situation of the frontier require tiie same 
, I shall beg, that, immediately upon your receiving this letter, you will inform me thereof. 
I have the honor to be, sir. your most obedient humble servant, 

. • H. KNOX, 

.■'•••■. . ! ' Secretui-y for the Department of TVar. 



An estimate of the expenses of scouts and rangers, for the protection of the frontiers lying along the Ohio, the 
Cumberland settlements, and the settlements upon and between the forks of Holston and French Broad rivers, 
for the year 1791. 

Five men Or scouts to be averaged for each county, and the number of counties or divisions being esthnated at 22. 

110 men, to be employed as scouts from the 1st of March to tlie 30th of November, being 9 months, 

at the rate of 1 2 dollars per month, - -- - - -- . -Sll ,880 00" 

One ration per day is, for the above period^ for 110 men, 29,700 rations, at 85 cents per ration, - 2,'524 50 



814,404 50 



RANGERS. •' • \, 

One lieutenant, one sergeant, one corporal, and twelve men, to act as rangers for each of twenty-one 
of the above counties, at the same rate of pay as the regular troops. 

21 Lieutenants, at 22 dollars per month, is, for 9 months, - - - $4,158 00 

21 Sergeants, 5 do do do do ... 945 go 

21 Corporals, 4 do do do do ... 755 qo 

252 Privates, 3 do do do do ... 6,804 00 

Three lieutenants, six sergeants, six corporals, and forty-eiglit privates, for the same . 
period, for Russell county — , . ; <, 

3 Lieutenants, at 22 dollars per month, is, for 9 months. - - - ' 594 00 

6 Sergeants, 5 do do do do ... 079 oo 

6 Corporals, 4 do do do do - - - 216 00 

48 Privates, . 3 do do do do ... 1,296 00 

24 Lieutenants, at 2 rations per day, is, for 9 months, 12,960 rations. ' . -> 

354 Non-commissioned and privates, at 1 ration, - 95,580 do 



108.540 do at 85 cts. per ration, 9.225 90 



24,264 90 
838,669 40 



H. KNOX, Secreta)-y of ff'ar. 



A general estimate of the expenses which vould be incurred by an expedition aginst the Wabash Indians, calculated 
. vpmi a scale of twelve hundred regidars and twelve hundred levies. The period of the expedition four months. 
And also the amount of the expenses, for one year, of the proposed augmentation of the regular troops. 

The expense of 2,000 levies, as per estimate B, No. 2, ' -/ - - '.^ . _ _ $74,770 00 

Bounties for 2.000 levies, at 5 dollars per man, ....... lO.OOO 00 

Tlie ditference between 3,200 rations per day. on tlie Ohio, and the proposed places of operation, the 

one being stated in the contract at 6j cents, and the other at 15j cents, calculated at 120 days; 

384,000 rations, at 8A cents, difterence, • - - - - - • - 32,640 00 

Camp equipage of all sorts; boats, horses, tents. Sac, and the transportation of the hospital stores, 

baggage for the army; the cannon and stores of all sorts, to establisli a post at the Miami, estimated 

in gross, -...-.-..... 50,000 00 

Medicines and hospital stores, -,.-•- - - - - -.. - - 4,000 00 

Contingencies, - '-.'-.•'■'■'-'.■• t ' .- - - ' , - r , - - 25,00000 



The amount of the annual expenses for the additional regiment of regulars, as per parti- 
cular estimate .\. amount to - - - - - - - - $101,446 40 

-\nd, if the bounty of 8 dollars for 2,128 non-commissioned and privates should be added 
for the whole regular establishment, augmentation included, the following extraordi- 
nary expenses would be incurred, - - . - - - - - 17,024 00 

The establishment of a major general for one year, as per estimate B 2, amounts to - 2,937 00 

One aid-de-camp, with the rank of a captain, and pay and emoluments of a major, as 
during the late \\ar — 

Pay, 40 dollars per month, - - . . $480 00 

"libs' 



8196,410 00 



Subsistence. 4 rations per day, at 12 cents, - - - 175 20 

Forage. 10 dollars per month, - - - - 120 00 



•5 20 



104 INDIAN AFFAIRS. itm. 



Two inspectors, omitted in the general estimate of the War Department, for the year 

1791 , formed the 7th December 1790, one of whom to act as brigade-major— 
Two inspectors — 

Pay, 30 dollars per month, - - - - $720 00 

Subsistence, 3 rations per day, at 12 cents, - - 262 80 

Forage, 10 dollars per month, - - - - 240 00 

1,222 80 

The establishment of a quartennaster, as per estimate B, .... 1,12680 

124,532 20 



Total, to be provided for, - . - - - - - $320,942 20 

H. KNOX, 

- ' ■ Secretary of War. 



1st Congress.] ' No. 15. . [3d Sessiox. 



NORTHWESTERN INDIANS. 

COMMUNICATED TO CONGRESS, DECEMBER 14, 1790. V". .- 

Gentlemen of the Senate • . ; - .' , 

and of the House of Representatives: • ■...■.-. 

Having informed Congress of the expedition which had been directed against certain Indians, northwest of 
the Ohio,^ I embrace the earliest opportunity of laying before you the official communications wliich have been 
received upon that subject 

GEO. WASHINGTON. 
United States, December 14th, 1790. ' '. . 



War Department, December 14th, 1790. 

Sir: ,. 

Lieutenant Denny arrived last evening from fort Washmgton, on the Ohio, charged with letters from 
Governor St. Clair and Brigadier General Harmar, copies of which 1 have the honor herewith to submit, and also 
extracts from the orders issued during the late expedition: also a return of the killed and wounded. 

Lieutenant Denny reports verbally, that^ after he left fort Washington, lie saw, in Kentucky, several men of the 
militia of that district, wno had been out with Major Whitly, under Major Hamtramck, of the federal troops, who 
commanded a separate expedition. 

The said militiamen informed Lieutenant Denny, that Major Hamtramck had destroyed several of the hostile 
Indian towns, on the Wabash, and had returned to his garrison, at Post Vincennes, without having met any oppo- 
sition. ~ . 
I have the honor to be, witli the liighest respect, sir, your most obedient servant, 

K. KiaOX, Secretary of JVar. 
The President of the United States. 



Governor St. Clair to the Secretary of War. 

Fort Wasiiington, November 6th, 1790. • 
Sir: 

On the 29th of last month, I had the honor to inlbnn you generally of the success that attended General 
Harmar. I could not then give you the particulars, as the General's letters had not reached me; (the officer how- 
ever who had them in charge got in a few davs afterwards) it is not now necessary, because he writes himself. One 
thing, howeverj is certain, that the savages have got a most terrible stroke, of which nothing can be a greater proof 
than that they nave not attempted to liarass the army on its return. They arrived at this place on the 3d instant, 
in good health and spirits. Tliere is not yet any account from Major Hamtramck; I trust he also has been suc- 
cessful; but this I think is certain, that no great misfortune can have happened to him: for in that case we should 
certainly have heard of it. 

Mr. Denny, the gentleman who takes General Harmar's despatches, I beg leave to mention to you in a parti- 
cular manner; and if you will be pleased to do so to the President in liis favor, you may be assured he will not dis- 
appoint any expectations that may be formed. He has every quality that I could wish a young man to possess, that 
meant to make the army hife profession. There are, however, some traits in his character as a man, that are not 
generally known, that would endear him. Out of tlie little pittance lie receives, he has maintained two aged parents 
for a long time. . 



Brigadier General Harmar to the Secretary of War. 

Head Quarters, Fort Washington, November 4th, 1790. 
Sir: . 

I have the honor to inform you, that, on the 30th September, I marched with 320 federal troops, and 1,133 
militia, total 1,453. After encountering a few difficulties, we gained the Miami village. It was abandoned before 
we entered it, which I was very sorry for. The villanous traders would have been a principal object of attention. 
I beg leave to refer you to my orders, which are enclosed. The substance of the work is tins, our loss was heavy, 
but the head quarters of iniquity were broken up. At a moderate computation, not less than 100 or 120 warriors 
were slain, and 300 log-houses and wigwams burned. Our loss about 180. The remainder of the Indians will be 
ill off for sustenance; 20,000 bushels of corn, in the ears, were consumed, burned, and destroyed, by the army, with 
vegetables in abundance. The loss ot Major Wyllys and Lieutenant Frothingham, of the Federal troops, and a 
number of valuable militia officers, I sincerely lament. 

The bearer, Lieut Denny, is my adjutant. It will afford me great satisfaction to know that some mark of honor 
will be shown to him. His long and faithful services merit it There is a vast deal of business in this Western 
world. If there is no impropriety in giving me an aid-de-camp, I wish him to be the person. 

In my next despatches I shall enter into the minutiae of business, and give you a particular description of each 
day's march, with all the occurrences and observations. 

N. B. My adjutant is really and truly an officer. 



1790.] THE NORTHWESTERN INDIANS. 



105 



EXTRACTS FROM THE ORDERS. 

Note. The orders issued previously to the march of the troops and militia from fort Washington and until thev 
.arrived at the Miami village, relate to the arrangement of the troops, the order of march, of encampment and of 
battle, and the discipline necessary to be observed, all of which are particularly detailed. ' 

GENERAL ORDERS. ' ' 

• , ; Camp at the Miami Village, about 170 miles from Fort Washington, October 17th, 1790. 

The General is highly pleased with the zeal and alacrity shown by the army, (particularly the corps which 
was detached under the command of Colonel Hardin) to come up with the savages, although it was impracticable 
as they had evacuated their favorite towns before the light corps could possibly reach them. ' 

Leaving behind them such a vast quantity of corn and vegetables, is a certain sign that they decamped in the ut- 
most consternation, and dare not face the enemy. 

The army is to remain in its present position until further orders; in the mean time. Quartermaster Pratt is to 
have the corn brought m and deposited m one place, or in as many houses as he can find, and a guard is to be 
placed over it for its secunty. He will receive directions how it is to be distributed. 

The superintendent of the horse department (Mr. Caldwell) is to be responsible that his pack saddles are repair- 
ed and put in as good order as possible, ready tor the next movement of the army. 

The General calls upon the commanding officers of battalions not to suffer their men to straggle from the en- 
campment, otherwise they will certainly stand in danger of being scalped. ' , 

The guards are to be extremely vigilant: to which the field officer of the day is to pay the most pointed attention 

A deUchment, under the command oi Lieut. Col. Com. Trotter, consisting of 

Federal troops, '-------30 

Major Fontaine's light horse, - - ...... 4q 

_ ' -•-, , ' Active riflemen, - _ - - - .' : ' . • . • . 230 

'' , * ■ '' Total, - - 300, are to march to- 

morrow early. 

Lieut. Col. Com. Trotter will receive his orders from the General. 

JOS. HARMAR, Brig. Gmeral. 

GENERAL ORDERS. V 

••' • " • '" ■ •'.-' Camp at the Miami Village, October 18th, 1790. 

The General is much mortified at the unsoldier-like behavior of many of the men in the army, who make it a 
practice to straggle from the camp in search of plunder. He, in the most positive terms, forbicls this practice in 
future, and the guards will be answerable to prevent it. No party is to go beyond the line of sentinels without a 
commissioned officer, who, if of the militia, will apply to Colonel Hardin for his orders. The regular troops will 
apply to the General. All the plunder that may be hereafter collected, will be equally distributed amongst the 
army. The kettles, and every odier aiticle already taken, are to be collected by the commanding officers ot batta- 
lions, and to be delivered to-morrow morning to Mr. Belli, the quartermaster, that a fair distribution may take 
place. I 

The rolls are to be called at troop and retreat beating, and every man absent is to be reported. The General 
expects that these orders will be pointedlj^ attended to — they are to be read to the troops this evening. 

The army is to march to-monow morning early for their new e.icampment at Chilhcothe, about fwo miles from 
hence. 

JOS. HARMAR, Brig. General. 

• ' ■ ^ •• • 

-.11. . I • 

• .^ ; GENERAL ORDERS. 

Camp at Chillicothe, one of the Shawanese towns, on the Omee river, October 20ih, 1790. 

The party under C9iiimand of Captain Strong is ordered to burn and destroy every house and ^vigwam in 
this \illage, together with all the com, &c. which lie can collect. 

A party of 100 men (militia) properly officered, under the command of Colonel Hardin, is to bum and destroy 
effectually, this afternoon, the Pickaway town, with all the corn, &c. wliich he can find in it and its vicinity. 

The cause of the detachment being worsted yesterday, was entirely owing to the shameful cowardly conduct of 
tlie militia, who ran away, and threw down their arms, without firing scarcely a single gun. In returnin<' to fort 
Washington, if any officer or men shall presume to quit their ranks, or not to march in the form that they are or- 
dered, the General will, most assuredly, order the artillery to fire on them. He hopes the check they received yes- 
terday will make them in future obedient to orders. 

, .. .; ... , JOS. HARMAR, ^n^. Genera/. 

• . GENERAL ORDERS. . 'j ■ . . 

''•••••'•■ ' • Camp at Chillicothe, October 2lst, 1790. 

The amiy having completely effected the object for which they were ordered, viz. a total destruction of the 
Maumee towns, as they are generally called, with the vast abundance of corn and vegetables. &c. in tliem, and their 
vicinity, are now to commence their march, and to return to fort Washington. 

The General was in fond hopes that he should be able to break up the Wea towns on his return, but the weak 
state of the pack horses, and several other circumstances, conspire to render it impracticable at present. 

The generate is to beat at nine, the assembly at half past nine, and the whole army to take up the line of march 
precisely at ten this morning. 

It is not improbable but the savages will attempt to harass the army, on its return, particularly the rear and 
flanks; it is therefore incumbent upon every officer to attend to the duties of his station, and, by no means, to quit 
their ranks, or create the least contusion; but, on the contrary, to keep silence and good order, otherwise the artil- 
lery (agreeably to the orders of yesterday) shall certainly be ordered to fire upon such men as are so lost to every 
principle of honor, as to run away in the time of danger. 

The cattle and pack horses are to be kept up in the most compact order, and the officer, commanding the rear 
battalion, is to be responsible with the field officer of the day, that these orders are strictly carried into execution. 
Such horses as Mr. Caldwell may absolutely stand in need of, are to be taken from the mounted militia, not 
attached to Major Fontaine's corps, for public service; if these should be found insufficient, the remainder must 
come from Major Fontaine's corps. , 

JOS. HARMAR, 

Brigh- General. 



106 



INDIAN AFFAIRS. 



[1790. 



GENERAL ORDERS. 

• Camp, eight miles from the ruins of the Maumee Tovms, > • 

on the return to Fort Washington, October 22, 1790. S ' 

The army is to remain at the present encampment until further orders. 

AFTER ORDERS. 

f 

Tlie General is exceedingly pleased with the behavior of the militia in the action of this morning. They have 
laid very many of the enemy dead upon the spot. Although our loss is great, still it is inconsiderable in comparison 
of the slaughter made amongst the savages. Every account agrees that upwards ot one hundred warriors fell in the 
battle; it is not more than man for man, and we can afford them two tor one. The resolution, and firm deter- 
mined conduct of the militia this morning, has effectually retrieved their character, in the opinion of the General. 
He now knows that they can and will tight. 

The loss of Major Wyllis (with so many of the federal ti-oops) and Major Fontaine, two gallant officers, he sin- 
cerely and deeply laments; but it is the fortune of war. , ' _ 

The General begs Col. Hardin, and Major McMillan, and Major Hall, of Lieutenant Colonel-commandaiit 
Trotter's regiment, together with the officers and privates of the militia, under their command, to accept his thanks 
for the bravery displayed by them upon this occasion. 

The anny is to march to-morrow morning at eight o'clock, precisely. JOS. HARMAR, 

, Brigadier General. 

• GENERAL ORDERS. 

' Camp, about 24 7niles fro7n the ruins of the Maumee Towns, 7 ', 

on the return to Fort If asiiington, October 23, 1790. y 

The General did not know, in time last evening, of the good conduct "of Brigade Major Ormsby, in rallying a 
party of the militia and firing upon the savages, wliereby he destroyed several of them, otherwise he should then 
have returned him liis thanks. He now begs him to accept them for his cool and gallant behavior at that time. 

Although the enemy were so sorely galled, in the.action of yesterday,'they may still take it into their heads to 
hover about our encampment. The General, therefore, orders that the same vigilance and caution, which has 
hitherto taken place with the guards, muSt constantly be observed, to which the field officer of the day is to pay 
the strictest attention. 

The wounded militia are all to be collected into one place. Dr. Allison and Dr. Carmichael are to attend them, 
dress them, and give every necessary direction concermng them. 

The army is to march to-morrow morning, at eight o'clock, precisely. 

iOS. HARMAR, Brigadier General.*^ 



GENERAL ORDERS. 

Head Quarters, Fort Washington, 4th November, 1790. ./, 

The Kentucky and Pennsylvania militia are to be mustered this afternoon, at 2 o'clock, by Captain Zeigler; 
The order and regularity which the militia observed on their return to tlie Ohio river, was highly commendable. 
Upon the whole, the General is exceedingly pleased with their conduct during the expedition. Notwithstanding our 
loss was great, yet, when they reflect that the army, in five weeks, not only effected the capital object of destroying 
the Miami village, and the Maumee towns, as they are generally called, with the vast quantity of corn and vegetables 
therein, but, also, killed upwards of one hundred of their warriors, it must afford every man the greatest satisfaction. 
The militia from Kentucky are to receive pay until the 10th instant; provisions are to be drawn for them until that 
time, and to-morrow morning they are to maicli to their respective homes. 

The General returns his tlianks to every officer and private for their good conduct, and hereby discliarges tiiem 
with honor and reputation. The wounded men are to be left under the care of Doctor Allison and his mates, who 
will take all possible care of them. 

JOS. HARMAR, ^n'^at/ier Genera/, .. 

Return of the killed and tiiounded upon the expedition against the Miami towns, uyider the command of Brigadier 

General Harmar. • ^.v-- .' ^ 

Head Quarters, Fort "Washington, November 4th, 1T^.' 



— , , : ! . . T ' 






KILLED. 








WOUNDED. 


.'.. f, 


' ' 






c« 










'jj 




tit 








c« 


ej 


. 


-d 




u5 


a 




CS 






cc 




S 




cS 








c 






o 


rt 




bO 


^ 


cj 






M 


/ii 






.•—i 








c 


-^ 


CI, 




VI 


c 






'^ 




J 






H. 




■^' 


c 


t2 


o 
H 


Federal Troops, - - - - - 


1 


(( 


1 


(( 


73 


75 


a 


a 


1.1. 


3 


3 


Militia, 


1 


s 


2 


4 


98 


108 


it 


2 


1 


25 


28 


Total, - - - - - ■ - - - - 


2 


3 


5 


4 


171 


183 


ii. 


2 


1 


28 


31 



Killed.— Major Wyllys, Lieutenant Frothingham, Federal Troops; Major Fontaine, Captains Thorp, Scott; 
McMurtrey; Lieutenants Clark and Rogers; Ensigns Sweet, Bridges,^ Higgens, Thielkeld, Militia. 

Wounded, — Lieutenants Sanders and Worley; Ensign Arnold, Militia. ^ 

E. DENNY, Lieut, and Mjt. 1st U. S. R. 

JOS, HARMAR, Brigadier General. 

* From the date of the last order of tlie 23d October, until the return of the troops to fort Washington, the orders eihibit 
only the common details and business of troops; no enemy having been seen, after the action of the 22d of October. 



1791.] INDIAN DEPREDATIONS. 107 



1st Congress.] ■ No. 16. .- • <. [3d Session. 



:■■ . INDIAN DEPREDATIONS. 

. -., ■ • '■• 

■■•■■ X, .1 . . \ . ' , COMMUNICATED TO CONGRESS, JANUARY 24, 1791. 

Gentlemen of the Senate 

and of the House of Representatives: 

I lay before you a statement relative to the frontiers of tlie United States, which has been submitted to me by 
the Secretary for the Department of War. 

I rely upon your wisdom to make such arrangements as may be essential for the preserration of good order, and 
the effectual protection of the frontiers. 

GEO. WASHINGTON. 
United States, January 24, 1791. -, -' 

The Secretary of War, to whom tlie President of the United States was pleased to refer a letter of his Excellency 
the Governor of Virginia, dated the 10th of December last, enclosing the joint memorial addressed to him, of the 
delegates of Ohio, Monongalia, Harrison, Randolph, Kenhawa, Greenbriar, Montgomery, and Russell counties, 
on the Ohio, reports : 

That the said memorial states, that the said counties form a line of nearly four hundred miles along the Ohio; 
exposed to the hostile invasions of their Indian enemies, and destitute of every kind of support. 

That, notwithstanding all the regulations of the General Government in that country, the memorialists have 
reason to lament that they have hitherto been ineffectual. 

That the arrangements and regulations for their defence, as declared by the Secretary of War, are impossible to 
be complied with. 

That the old experienced mode of keeping out scouts and rangers, for the information and protection of the 
inhabitants, is exploded, as the memorialists are informed, because the new plan is less expensive. 

That there is reason to fear the defeat of the army on the frontiers will be severely felt, as there is no doubt but 
the Indians Avill, in their turn, flushed with victory, invade the settlements. 

That the memorialists, therefore, for the reasons assigned, think the only measure which will establish the confi- 
dence of the frontier people in the Government, and also bring about the proposed end, to wit, their safety and 
protection, is to empower tlie county lieutenants, in each of those counties, to send out a few scouts to watch the 
passes of the enemy when the winter breaks up, and to place some rangers on the outside of the settlements. 

That this arrangement be temporary, uhtil more effectual measures are adopted for the protection of the 
country. 

That the expense of the scouts and rangers be settled by the auditor of Virginia, and the Government debited 
with the amount thereof. 

That, if the Executive Council of Virginia should not possess sufficient power to extend to the memorialists that 
relief which their necessities require, that the Governor would lay the complaints before the proper tribunal, where 
they may be redressed. 

On the subject of this memorial, the Secretary of War observes, that, on the 26th of February, 1790, a report 
upon the subject of scouts, and an estimate thereof, was submitted to the President of the United States, who was 
pleased to lay the same before Congress; a copy of which, with tlie estimate, is herewith submitted. No. 1. 

That, as the danger of some ot the frontier counties was imminent, the President of the United States was 

? leased to permit a certain number of scouts to be called forth, under the regulations described in paper marked 
^0. 2.* 
That, as it did not appear to be the judgment of Congress to authorize the scouts upon any higher rate of pay than 
the militia, and as offensive measures were directed on the 7th of June, the President of the United States directed 
that the employment of the scouts should be discontinued, and, in lieu thereof, that the militia should be employed 
as rangers, under the regulations described in the paper herewith annexed. No. 3.* 

It, however, appears, from the memorials, that the permission has been rendered nugatory by the regulations 
prescribed, and that the memorialists propose, in lieu of the former arrangement, that the county lieutenants should 
be invested with discretionary power, on the occasion, to call forth scouts and rangers. 

It is to be observed, that no partial measures can be adopted by the Government. That any arrangement for the 
eight counties to which the memorialists belong, must also comprehend the county of Washington, in Pennsylvania, 
eight counties in Kentucky, the exposed parts of Cumberland settlements, and the settlements lying upon, and 
between, the Holston and French Broad rivers; making in all, districts or divisions equal to twenty-two counties. 
That it is to be observed, that the scouts, so called, are the most active hunters or woodsmen, well acquainted 
with the paths by which Indians enter the country; that experience of their utility seems to have stamped an extra- 
ordinary value upon tlieir services, in the opinion of the frontier people. They seem, however, from information, 
to have received an exceeding high pay, and greatly disproportioned to any known compensation for military 
services. 

But, considering the confidence of the frontier people in the said scouts, tlie Secretary of War is inclined to the 
opinion, that it might be proper to indulge them therein; provided, their services could be obtained for a reasonable 
pay, and regulated in such manner as to prevent abuse. The pay allowed by Virginia was five-sixths of a doUai- 
per day, for each person or scout, but no rations. 

The Secretary of War is of opinion that pay, at the rate often or twelve dollars per month, and one ration per 
day, to be given for each person acting as a scout, would be as high a sum as ought to be given for any imlitary 
service; that no greater number than six or eight sliould be allowed to any county, and, in no instance, a greater 
number than have heretofore been allowed by Virginia. 

That, conformably to these ideas, the estimate is herewith submitted. No. 4, in order to show the greatest 
aggregate expense of this business. 

■ That tliis measure be adopted only as a temporary expedient, and be continued no longer than the President of 
the United States shall judge necessary. ... 

It ought, however, to be observed, that, while the pay of the troops is greatly reduced, and the pay of this species 
of militia greatly advanced, it may have the effect to prevent the recruiting of the regular troops, on the 
established pay, and to create discontents in the minds of those already in service on the frontiers. But it is con- 
ceived, that, although this objection may occur, yet, perhaps, it is not of suffit-ient importance to prevent the adop- 
tion of such reasonable measures as may conciliate and attach the people of the frontiers to the General Government. 
If, therefore, it should be the judgment of the President of the United States, that it would be proper to adopt 
the scouts, it will be necessary to lay the subject before the Congress, for their consideration and approbation: for, 
if a species of troops are to be adopted at a higher rate of pay than tlie rate established by law, it will be necessaiy 
to malce the provision for that purpose, by a special act. 

The rangers are a species of mditiaj for which a higher rate of pay does not seem to be necessary. 
All which is humbly submitted to the President ot the United States. 

H. KNOX, Secretary of War. 
War Department, 5th January, 1791. ; 

• Not OB file. 



108 INDIAN AFFAIRS. [1791. 



War Office, February 26</t, 1790. 

In obedience to your order, I have received the communications of Colonel John Pierce Duvall, Lieutenant 
of Harrison county in Virginia, the result of which I have the honor to submit to you. 

The paper No 1, is a representation from the field officers of the said county, on the subject of their exposed 

situation. . ..,„..,. , , , 

Colonel Duvall states, that there are five counties of Virginia, lying on the western waters, exposed to the 
incursions of the Indians; all of which are to the east of the Kentucky line, to wit: Monongalia. Ohio, Randolph, 
Harrison, Kenhawa. . ,••,£. 

That these counties have been permitted to keep out, for their own immediate protection, at the expense of Vir- 
ginia, certain parties of •scouts and rangers. ,. , , 

That, during the last year, the Governor ot Virginia directed the said scouts and rangers to be discharged, m con- 
sequence of a letter from the President of the United States, a copy of which, with the letter from the said Governor, 
isherewith submitted, marked No. 2. / . , «. i • • 

That, since the discharge of the said scouts and rangers, the said counties have suffered great injury from the 
Indians; and that Harrison county, in particular, has had fifteen persons killed, besides houses burnt and horses 
stolen. 

That the object of the said Colonel Duvall is, that he should be permitted to call into service again, the said 
scouts and rangers, at the expense of the United States. 

That the expense of the said scouts and rangers would, according to his information, for the ensuing season, and 
for Harrison county only, amount to three thousand four hundred and forty dollars, agreeably to the estimate here- 
with submitted, marked No. 3. . ^ . .,.•., 

That this arrangement would give perfect satisfaction to the inhabitants of said county. 

On this information, it may be observed, that an arrangement of this nature for one county, involves a similar 
arrangement, not only for the other four counties of Virginia, but for the nine counties of the district of Kentucky, 
all of which are exposed, in greater or less degree, as Harrison county. 

That it would be proper, that this representation from Harrison county, together with the memorial of the repi-e- 
sentatives of the counties of the district of Kentucky, (lated the 28th of November, 1789, requesting a post to be 
established at Great Bonelick, and the petition from the inhabitants of Miro settlement, dated the 30th ot Novem- 
ber, 1 789, should be laid before the Congress, for their information, in addition to other papers of the same nature, 
which you were pleased to lay before them, on the 4th of January last 

No. 1. . . 

An estimate of tlie expense of a guard of one captain and thirty rangers, and eight men, termed scouts, for the period 
of seven months, required by the Lieutenant of Harrison county, for the protection of the same, against the depre- 
dations of parties of Indians — the estimate being formed from information given the subscriber by Colonel Duvall, 
the Lieutenant of said county. 

40 rations, at 6rf. per day, ------ ^6214 

The pay of 1 captain for 7 months, at 35 dollars per month, - - 73 10 

The pay of 2 sergeants for 7 months, at 6 dollars per month, - - 25 4 

The pay of 28 privates for the same period, at 4j dollars per month, 264 12 

The pay of 8 scouts for 7 months, say 214 days, at 5s. 7d, per day, 428 

Powder and lead furnished by Government, suppose - - 30 

~ ' £1,035 6, or $3,451. 

If protection be given to the other four counties of Virginia, and the nine counties of the district of Kentucky, 
and the same be estimated on the above scale, the expense would amount to 48,314 dollars. 

War Office, February 9,6th, 1790. 

The Secretary of War, to whom the President of the United States was pleased to refer a letter from his Excellency 
the Governor of Virginia, of the 4th instant, transmitting certain papers, stating the measures which the Legis- 

' lature and Executive of Virginia have adopted, for the temporary defence of the western frontier of that State, 
reports: 

That it appears, from the said papers, that, upon the 20th day of December last, the Legislature of Virginia 
authorized the Executive of said State to direct sucli temporary defensive operations in the frontier counties of said 
State, as would secure the citizens thereof from the hostile invasions of the Indian enemy. 

That, at the same time, the said Ligislature also requested the Executive to transmit to the President of the 
United States, the memorial from the representatives of the frontier counties, and communicate to him such defen- 
sive measures as they may think propar to direct, in consequence of the authority vested in them, for the sole purpose 
of affording defence to the frontier citizens, until the General Government can enter into full and effectual measures 
to accomplish the said object. 

That the memorial of the representatives of the frontier counties alluded to by the said Legislature, was trans- 
mitted by the said Governor to the President of the United States, the 10th day of December last, and the same 
was reported upon, by the Secretary of War, the fifth instant. 

Tiiat the measures directed by the Executive of Virginia, in consequence of the before recited power vested in 
them by the Legislature, are detailed in No. 2, and amount to ten lieutenants, ten ensigns, and five hundred and 
eighteen non-commissioned and privates, at the same rate of pay allowed by the law of the United States, besides 
a biT^adier general, who sliall be allowed the pay and rations of lieutenant colonel when in actual service. 

That it does not appear, tiiat any denomination of troops, termed scouts, at an higher rate of pay than the mili- 
tia, have been ordered out by the Executive of Virginia. , 

That the expense of the saifl defensive system, for nine months, would, if the same should be necessary for so 
long a term, amount to thirty-six thousand seven iiundred and forty-seven dollars and sixty cents, as per estimate 
herewith submitted, No. 5. 

That the total of the estimate submitted on the 5th instant, amounts to thirty-eight thousand six hundred and 
sixty- nine dollars and forty cents. But, about four-twenty-second parts are to be deducted from the said estimate, 
for the county of Wasiiington in Pennsylvania, and the districts, amounting to about three counties, for the set- 
tlements upon Cumberland and between the forks of Holston and French-broad. This would leave about eighteen 
parts of the said estimate for the expense of the counties of Virginia and the district of Kentucky, amounting to 
thirty-one thousand six- hundred and thirty-eight dollars and sixty cents. Coniparing, therefore, the expense of the 
plan suggested in the report of the 5t)\ instant, with the system du-ected by the Executive of Virginia, the difference 
will be five thousand one hundred and lune dollars greater for the latter than the former plan. 

But, in the plan suggested in the said report of the 5th instant, only the number of three hundred and fifty-four 
non-commissioned officers and privates were stated to be employed, besides commissioned officers. The number 
directed by Virginia, amounts to five hundri^d and eighteen non-commissioned officers and privates, besides the com- 
missioned officers. The reason tliat the difference of the expense is not proportioned to the difference of numbers, 
is, that the species of militia tenned scouts, are not ordered m the system directed by Virginia. 

From this statement, the following questions arise: 

1st. Is the exposed situation of the frontier counties of Virginia such as to require that they should be protected 
at the expense of the United States? . 



ir9l.] INDIAN DEPREDATIONS. jQg 



2d. It" so, is the system, directed by tlie Executive of Virginia, of such a nature as to be confirmed by the Gen- 
eral Government and ordered into execution at the expense ot the United States.'^ 

3d. If not, shall a regular and efficient plan be devised for tlie same object, and put into execution at the expense 
of the United States? 

On the first question, tlie Secretary of War is of opinion, that the existing circumstances relative to the Indian 
hostilities are such as to cause just apprehensions for the safety of the frontier settlers during the approaching season 
That principles of sound policy, therefore, as well as of justice, require that the said settlers should be afforded all 
reasonable protection at the expense of the United States. 

On the second question, the Secretary of War is of opinion, that, however proper the system of defence directed 
by tlie Executive of Virpnia may have been, considering the circumstances under which it was ordered, yet tliere 
are several well founded objections against its being confirmed by tlie General Government, and ordered into execu- 
tion at the expense of the United States. 

First — Because it is too uncertain as to any mateiial effect to be produced thereby. 

Secondly — Because it is destitute of those principles of unity and responsibility, essentially necessary to guard 
tlie public from abuse. 

Thirdly— Because the detachments ordered out for the other counties besides Kentucky, are evidently desit'ned 
for local service only, and not to be drawn into one body, however necessary the measure may be. *' 

Fourthly— Because it is evident tlie Legislature of Virginia considered the arrangement which should be made by 
the Executive ot the said State, as a temporary measure of affording defence to the frontiers, until the General 
Government could enter into full and effectual measures to accomplish the said object. 

On the third question, the Secretary of War is of opinion, that the following plan for defence of the frontiers in 
addition to the regular troops, would be the most proper for the ensuing season. ' 

For the defence of the exposed counties of Virginia and Kentucky, and the Cumberland and Holston settle- 
ments, one regiment ot rangers, to consist of one lieutenant colonel-commandant, two majors, ten captains, and 
fourteen subalterns, and seven hundred and thirty-eight non-commisioned and privates. 

That these rangers be enlisted on the continental establishment of pay, rations, and clothing; to serve from the 
first day of March next, until the 30th of November, unless sooner discharged. 

That a proportion of clothing, equal to the annual allowance to the federal ti-oops, be issued to the said ran^^ers. 
That, it an expedition be formed against the Indian towns, the rangers raised for the counties of Virginia and 
Kentucky should be assembled for that purpose; that, in other cases, they should be employed in rangin'' the fron- 
tiers most liable to inroads. " 

That the expense of the said corps for nine months would amount to forty -nine thousand four hundred and fifty- 
four dollars, as per estimate herewith submitted. But the Secretaiy of War conceives the efficacy and service of 
said corps would amply compensate for the difference of expense between the same and the system directed by 
Virginia. 

That the expense of defending the frontiers for the ensuing year, seems to be inevitable. But there is a choice in 
the manner of defence. The regular troops are inadequate to afford that extensive protection required from the 
county of Washington, in Pennsylvania, down the Ohio, to the settlements on the Cumberland river, and the other 
settlements in the southwestern territory of the United States. They must be assisted by auxiliaries, in order to 
defend the frontiers effectually. 

The question seems to be reduced to one point: whether the defence shall be afforded in a regular efficient man- 
ner, with full proof of the servMce having been renciered, or whether it shall be performed in a manner less efficient 
and neither regular or certain.'' ' 

The Secretary of War submits the idea, that the whole business ofthe defensive protection afforded tlie frontiers 
during the last year, by the General Government, the svstem directed by the Executive of Virginia, and the plan 
herein proposed, should be laid before the Congress of the I'liited States for their information and decision. 

The Secretary of War will, in another report, which he will shortly submit to the President of the United States, 
take the liberty of suggesting some observations respecting the issue ot the late expedition against the Miami towns,' 
and ot the circumstances which may require another and more effectual expedition against the Wabash Indians. 
But, in ca.se of another expedition, it is conceived that the defensive provision should be made: for, although, while 
the expedition will be in operation, the Indians will not probably make incursions, yet, their predatory parties may 
be expected on tlie frontiers botii before and alter the expedition. 

All which is humbly submitted to the President of the United States. 

H. KNOX. 

„r , , , Secretary of TVar. 

>V AR Offick, \5ln Juniiary, 1791. 

No. 1. 

. The Governor of lu^iniu to the President of the United States. 

Council Chamber, Jamwcy 4<A, 1791 . 
Sir: 

In conformity to a resolution of the General Assembly of this State, herewith enclosed, I do myself the honor 
to transmit a memorial from the representatives of the frontier counties, and the proceedings of the Executive, 
respecting a temporary system of defence for the western frontier. I beg leave also to lay before you, copies of two 
odier resolutions ofthe General Assembly, together with the petition of sundry officers of the Virginia line on conti- 
nental establishment, on the subject of the bounty lands allotted to them on the northwest side of the Ohio. 
I have the li(jnor to be, witli the highest respect, your obedient servant, 

, , ,, . , , BEVERLEY RANDOLPH. 

The Presidknt ofthe United States. 

, No. 2. . 

In Council, December 29th, 1790. 

The Board resumed the consideration of a resolution of the General Assembly, authorizing the Executive to direct 
such tempoiaiy defensive operations in the frontier counties of this State, as will secure the citizens from the hostile 
invasions ofthe Indian enemy. 

Whereupon, the Board are of opinion, that the best system of defence which can be established under the present 
circumstances, will be to order into service in the different western counties, a small number of men, proportioned 
to the degree in which they are respectively exposed. 

That the officers commanding these parties be instructed constiintly to range the frontiers most open to invasion, 
and either to alarm tlie inhabitants upon the approach of a large body of the enemy, or repel the incursions of preda- 
tory parties. 

It is, therefore, advised, that a lieutenant, two sergeants, and forty rank and file, be allowed to the county of Har- 
/ison; an ensign, two sergeants, and thirty rank and file, to Monongalia; a lieutenant, an ensign, three sergeants, 
and hfty rank and file, to Ohio; a lieutenant, an ensign, three sergeants, and fifty rank and file, to Kenhawa; an 
ensign, two sergeants, and twenty rank and file, to Randolph; an ensign, three sergeants, and thirty-two rank and 
file, to Wythe; and a lieutenant, an ensign, three sergeants, and fifty rank and file, to Russell. The rangers to be 
ready for service by the first day ot March next; to be stationed at such places as in the opinion of the commanding 
officer ot each county, respectively, shall be most convenient, to enable them, by rilnging the frontiers, to give effec- 
tual protection. 

15 • •?' ■■■ - •■ ■■ 



r 



210 INDIAN AFFAIRS. [1791^ 



s 



That the commanding officers of the several counties be directed to procure, by voluntary engagements, the 
complement of men allowed for the defence of their counties, respectively; but, should they be unable to obtain the 
required number by this means, that they detach them, with the necessary officers, by detail and rotation of duty, 
agreeable to the act to amend and reduce into one act, the several laws lor regulating and disciplining the militia, and 
guarding against invasions and insurrections. 

That, for the defence of Kentucky, it is advised, that a brigadier general be appointed to command the whole 
militia of the district, who shall be allowed the pay and rations ot a lieutenant colonel when in actual service. 

That the said brigadier general do immediately endeavor to procure, by voluntary engagements, two hundred and 
twenty-six men, to range the most exposed parts ot the frontiers ot the district, to be so stationed as will, in his 
judgment, at!brd the best protection to the inhabitants; but, should he be unable to obtain the required number by 
voluntary engagements, that he direct the commanding officei- ot the respective counties composing the district, to 
detach their just proportion, witli the necessary officers, by detail and rotation of duty, agreeable to the militia law, 
to be ready for service by the first day of March next. 

That, in the execution of this business, he be not considered as in actual service, nor have authority to appoint the 
staff and other officers allowed by law, but shall be reimbursed all such reasonable expenses as he may necessarily 
incur. 

That the said rangers be furnished with rations in sucli manner as the brigadier general of Kentucky, and the 
officers commanding the several counties without that district shall think proper; six pence to be allowed for each 
ration; a subaltern to be allowed two, and the non-commissioned and privates one ration, each. The pay and rations 
of both officers and privates to be the same as is allowed by law to the continental troops. 

That the following evidence of the service of the rangers be required : 

1st. A return of the names, rank, and time of service, of each of the said rangers. 

2d. A pay abstract or account for the number of said rangers, agreeable to the aforesaid return; these papers to 
be verified by the oath of the officers commanding the several detachments, and by the signature of the brigadier 
"eneral in Kentucky, or by that of the commanding officers of the several counties witiiout that district. 

3d. An abstract of the rations agreeably to the aforesaid return, to be signed by the officer receiving them, and 
countersigned by the brigadier general in Kentucky, or by the commanding officers of the several counties without 
that district. 

And it is further advised, that Charles Scott, Esquire, be appointed brigadier general of Kentucky. 

All which matters, so advised, the Governor orders accordingly. 
Extract from the Journal. Attest, 

SAM. COLEMAN, A. C. C. 

Resolution of the Commonwealth of Virginia. 

Virginia: In the House of Delegates, Monday, the ZOth of December, 1790. 

Resolved, That the Executive be authorized to direct such temp()rary defensive operations in the frontier coun- 
ties of this State, as will secure the citizens thereof from the hostile invasions of the Indian enemy. 

Resolved, That the Executive be requested to transmit to the President of the United States the memorial from 
the representatives of the frontier counties, and communicate to him such defensive measures as they may think 
proper to direct, in consequence of the authority vested in them for the sole purpose of affording liefence to our fron- 
tier citizens, until the General Government can enter into full and effectual measures to accomplish the said object. 

Attest, CHARLES HAY, C. H. D. 

1790. December. Agreed to by the Senate, H. BROOKE, C. 5'. 

' ,.' ,;, , ■ . No. 4. 

To his Excellency Beverley Randolph, Esquire, Governor qf Virginia. 

The joint memorial of the Delegates of Ohio, Monongalia, Harrison, Randolph, Kenhawa, Greenbriar, Mont- 
gomery, and Russell counties, humbly represents: 

That the defenceless condition of those counties, forming a line of nearly four hundred miles along the Ohio river, 
exposed to the hostile invasions of their Indian enemies, destitute of every kind of support, is truly alarming: for, 
notwithstanding all the regulations of the General Government in that country, we have reason to lament that they 
have been hitherto ineffectual for our protection; nor, indeed, could it happen otherwise: for the garrisons kept by 
the continental troops on the Oiiio river, if they are of any use, it must be to the Kentucky settlements, as tliey 
immediately cover tnat country; to us they can be of no ser\ice, being from two to four hundred miles below our 
frontier settlements. , , , , , 

We further beg leave to represent, that, agreeably to the last arrangement tor our defence, as declared by the 
Secretary of War, a subaltern officer, a sergeant, a corporal, and twelve privates, were allotted to some of the 
above mentioned counties, for their defence, and them only to be continued in service when the continental com- 
manding officer in the Western country may approve of it, they at the same time to be under such regulations as it is 
impossible for the inhabitants of our country to comply with, the communication betwixt him and us being cut off 
by a distance of two to four hundred miles, and that through an uninhabited country, exposed to the Indians, having 
entirely exploded our old experienced mode of defending our frontiers, by keeping out scouts and rangers for their 
information and protection, owing, as we are informed, that it is supposed that the new plan is less expensive; but 
surely, if our operations must be on the defensive, a small saving (for a small saving it must be) ought not to be 
deemed a good reason to alter from a known measure to one that is only supposed to be as good, when the lives of 
so many ot your citizens are exposed to the enemy. We further beg leave to observe, that we have reason to fear 
that the consequences of the defeat of our army by the Indians on the late expedition, will be severely felt on our 
frontiers, as there is no doubt but that the Indians will, in their turn, (being fluslied with victory) invade our settle- 
ments, and exercise all their horrid murder upon the inhabitants thereof, whenever the weather will permit them to 
travel. Then is it not Letter to support us where we are, be the expense what it may, than to oblige such a number 
of your brave citizens, who have so long supported, and still continue to support, a dangerous frontier, (although 
thousands of tlieir relatives in the flesh have, in the prosecution thereof, fallen a sacrifice to savage inventions) to 
quit the country, after all they have done and suffered, when you know that a frontier must be supported somewhere? 
Permit us, therefore, to assure you, that we think the only measure that will establish the confidence of your 
frontier people in the Government, and also be the means of bringing about the end proposed, to wit: their safety 
and protection, will be to empower the county lieutenants in each of those counties to send out a few scouts to 
watcn the passes of the enemy, and when the winter breaks up, to place some rangers on the outside of the settle- 
ments. This we mean only as a temporary matter, to continue until more effectual measures are adopted for the 
protection of that country, the expense of which scouts and rangers, to be settled with your auditor, and paid by 
Virginia, and the General Government to be debited with the amount thereof, for which the State of Virginia ought 
to be credited in her accounts with that Government. And we hope and trust tliat Congi-ess will comply therewith, 
until they extend to us that protection that we, as citizens of Virginia, have a right to expect. And we further trust 
and hope that the State of Virginia will never quietly rest inactive until peace is restored to all her citizens, be 
their situation ever so remote. Under these impressions, we have taken the liberty to address you upon this subject. 



1791.] INDIAN DEPREDATIONS. Ill 



praying that, should not the Executive Council of Virginia possess power sufficient to extend to us tliat relief which 
our necessities require, you will, in that case, lay our complaints before the proper tribunal, where we may be 
redressed. 

We have the honor to be, with great respect, &c. . • 

BENJAMIN BIGGS. 7 ^, -^ 
JOHN HENDERSON. 5 ^'"*'- 

. . GE0.JACKS0N.7rr. 

JOHN PRUNTY,5^'""*°"• 
C0RNELIUS BOGARD. Ijiandohh 
ABRAHAM CLAYPOOL, 5 ^«""^'^"- 
• '. ANDREW DONNALLY, 7 .^„„,„,„ 

GEO. CLENDINEN, j Aan/m?m. 

THOS. EDGAR, I Greenbriar 

W. H. CAVENDISH, 3 "" 
H. MONTGOMERY. 7 ,.. 
R, S AAV VERS, 5 '^^"^^^Somery. 

Attest, SAM. COLEMAN, ,5. C. C. 

^ - .. ■ , 

' - No. 5. 

An estimate of pay, subsistence, and forage, for 9 months, from the first day of March to the 50th of November, 
,,•■■• 1790, according to the arrangement of Virginia. 

1 Brigadier General, with the pay, subsistence, and forage of a lieutenant colonel, estimated to be in 

service 4 montiis. 
Pay, at 60 dollars per month, is, for 4 months, - - - - - - - $240 00 

Subsistence, 6 rations per day, for 4 months, is 720 rations, a 12^ cts. - - - - 86 40 

Forage, 12 dollars per month, ..-.--..- 36 00 



10 Lieutenants, for 9 months. . 

Pay at 22 dollars per month, is for 9 months, . . - . . 1.980 00 

Subsistence, 2 rations per day, 5,400 rations a 12 cents - '- - - 648 00 

10 Ensigns for 9 months. 

Pay. at 18 dollars per month, is, for 9 months, - - ' - - - 1,620 00 

Subsistence, 2 rations per day, 5,400 rations, « 12 cents - .. - - . 648 00 



40 Sergeants, at 5 dollars per month, is, for 9 months - - . . 1,800 00 

478 privates, at 3 dollars per month, is, for 9 months .... 12,906 00 

14,706 00 
Subsistence for 518 non-commissioned and privates, at one ration per day, is, for 9 

months 139,860 rations, a 12 cents - - - - - ■ - 16,783 20 



362 40 



2,628 00 



2,268 00 



31.489 20 

, ■ ' • ■ $36.747 60 

\i.Yi^O\, Secretary of JVar. 
War Office, 15</i yanwari/, 1791. 

No. 6. 

^n estimate for pay, subsistence, forage, and clothing, for nine months, for one regiment of Rangers, formed as 

follows : 

PAY. 

1 Lieutenant Colonel-commandant, at $60 per month, is, for 9 months, 

2 Majors, - - . 40 - 
10 Captains, - - - 30 - - 
10 Lieutenants, " - * - 22 - 
10 Ensigns, - - - 18 - 

1 Paymaster, additional, - 5 - 

1 Quartermaster, do. - - 5 - 

1 Adjutant, do. - - 10 - 

40 Sergeants, - - - 5 - - 

40 Corporals, - - - 4 - 

40 Drummers, - - 7 

40 Filers, - - f -^ ■ " " 

578 Private?, - - - J 

Deductions for clothing. 
40 Sergeants, at $1 40 per month, is, for 9 months, 

40 Corporals, 1 15 - . 

658 Musicians and privates, 90 - • 

.'/-"■ ' - ^, . 

Amount of pay, 

SUBSISTENCE. 

1 Lieutenant Colonel-commandant, 6 rations per day. is, for 9 months, 1,620 rations, 

2 Majors, - - - 4 - - - 2,160 do. 
10 Captains, . . 3 - . . 8,100 do. 
10 Lieutenants, - - 2 - - - 5.400 do. 
10 Ensigns, - - - 2 - - - 5,400 do. 

738 Non-commissioned and privates, 1 - - - 199.260 do. t- 

Amount of Subsistence, ■ 221,940 rations, at 7-100 15,535 80 



- 


00 
00 

80 


$1,800 00 
1,440 00 

17,766 00 


$540 00 

720 00 

2,700 00 

1,980 00 

1,620 00 

45 00 

45 00 

90 


- 


$7,740 00 


$ 504 

414 

5,329 


$21,006 00 
6,247 80 








14,758 20 




' _ ■ 


- 


$22,498 20 



112 INDIAN AFFAIRS. [I791, 



f* 



Forage. 

1 Lieutenant Colonel -commandant, 12 dollars per month, is, for 9 montlis, $108 00 

2 Majors, - - 10 - - - - - 180 00 
Paymaster, quartermaster, and ad- 
jutant, each, - 6 - - - - , . i62 00 



Amount of Forage, - / * - - - - 450 00 

Clothing. 
738 Non-commissioned and privates, at 15 dollars, - - - . 11,070 00 



$49,454 00 



H. KNOX, 

War Office, January 15, 1791. Secretary of War. 

The Secretary of War, to whom the President of the United States referred the consideration of various papers 
and information, relative to the frontiers of the United States, respectfully reports: 

That the frontiers, from several causes, are, at present, so critically circumstanced, as to claim an immediate 
consideration, and such arrangements as may, upon investigation, be found indispensably necessary for the preser- 
vation of good order, and the protection of the inhabitants exposed to the hostilities of certain Indian tribes. 

That, in order to obtain a clear view of the existing circumstances of the frontiers, the following summary state- 
ment is submitted; and, also, tliat a judgment may be formed of the measures necessary to be adopted on the 
occasion. 

That, in the first place, it may be proper to explain the relative situation of the Government of the United States, 
with the Choctaw, Chickasaw, and Cherokee nations of Indians. It will appear by the Journals of the late Con- 
gress, and the paper herewith submitted. Marked A, No. 1,* that the Unitecl States did, in November, 1785, and 
m January, 1786, form treaties with the Cherokee, Choctaw, and Chickasaw nations of Indians, by which their 
boundaries were defined. 
/ That the State of Georgia claims the right of pre-emption to nearly all the lands belonging to the said Indian 

nations. 

That it will appear by tlie act of Legislature of the said State, passed the 21st day of December, 1789, a copy 
i of which is herewith submitted, marked A, No. 2, that the said Legislature has granted and sold to three private 
, I companies, its said right of pre-emption to almost the whole of the lands of the Chocta\vs and Chickasaws, and 
\^ '^ part of the Cherokees, amounting in all to 15,500,000 acres. 

That, although the right of Georgia to the pre-emption of said lands should be admitted in its full extent, yet, 
it is conceived, that, siiould the said State, or any companies or persons, claiming Under it, attempt to extinguish 
the Indian claims, unless authorized tliereto by the United States, that the measure would be repugnant to the afore- 
said treaties, to the constitution of tlie United States, and to the law regulating ti-ade and intercourse vnth. the 
, Indian tribes. 

Y That the President of the United States, apprehensive tliat individuals belonging to said companies might, from 

ignorance, or otherwise, pursue a line of conduct derogatory to the United States, caused the said treaties, and the 
,^ law to regulate trade and intercourse with the Indian tribes, to be published on the 25th day of August, 1790, 
together witii his proclamation, requiring all persons to govern themselves accordingly. 

But, notwithstanding this warning, it appears, from the information contained in A, No. 3, that certain persons, 
claiming under the said companies, are raising troops for the purpose of establishing, by force, one or more settle- 
ments on the lands belonging to the aforesaid Indian nations. 

The authority of the United States is thus set at defiance,* their faith, pledged to the said Indians, and their con- 
t/ stitution and laws, violated, and a general Indian war excited, on principles disgraceful to the Government. 

But, there is another point of view in which this subject may be placed. It is said, the Spanish ofiicers station- 
ed on the Mississippi, alarmed at the proposed settlements, have decided to prevent them by force. Although the 
settlements should be made in opposition to the Government of the United States, yet, .the interference of tlie 
,' Spaniards, would start a new subject of discussion, which merits some consideration. 

,: Hence arises the following question: Is not the General Government bound, by the indispensable obligations 

.i| of its own riglits and dignity; by the principles of justice and good fjiith to the atoresaid Indian nations; by tlie 
' \^ principles of humanity, as it respects the innocent inhabitants ot the frontiers, who may fall victims to an unjust 
Indian war; to interpose its arm, in an effectual manner, to prevent the intended settlements? 

That, in the second place, the protection to be afforded the frontiers, during the ensuing year, requires an imme- 
diate arrangement. 

That it IS to be appi-ehended, the late expedition against the Miami Indians will not be attended witli such 
consequences as to constrain the said Indians to sue for peace; but, on the contrary, that their own opinion of their 
success, and the number of trophies they possess, will, probably, not only encourage them to a continuance of hos- 
tilities, but may be the means of their obtaining considerable assistance from the neighboring tribes. In addition to 
which, they will, probably, receive all possible assistance in the power of certain malignant whites, who reside 
among them. 
\ That it, therefore, appears, from the examination of this subject, to be incumbent on the United States to pre- 
pare immediately for another expedition against the Wabash Indians, with such a decided force as to impress them 
strongly with the power of the United States. 

That the objects of the expedition will, in a considerable degree, regulate the nature and number of troops to be 
employed. 

That, if the measure of establishing a strong fortification and garrison at the Miami village, should be decided 
upon as proper and necessary, a considerable increase of the regular force for that and the other objects mentioned 
in this report, would be requisite. 

That a strong post and garrison, at the said Miami village, with proper subordinate posts of communication, 
have always been regarded as but little inferior to the possession of the post at Detroit. But, while there were exist- 
ing hopes of obtaining the latter, it did not appear proper to incur the expense of an establishment at the former 
place. Those hopes, however, having vanished for the present, it seems to be a point of real importance to eftect 
an establishment at the Miami village. 

That a post established at the said place, as the consequence of a successful expedition, would curb and overawe 
not only the Wabash Indians, but the Ottawas and Chippewas, and all others who might be wavering, and disposed 
to join in the war. The said post would more eflectually cover the line of frontier along the Ohio, than by a post 
at any other place whatever. 

That it would, therefore, of consequence, afford more full security to the territory of the United States, north- 
\vest of the Ohio. In this point of view, it would assist in the reduction of the national debt, by holding out a secu- 
rity to people to purchase and settle the public lands. The purchasers of land from the Government will have a 
rigrit of protection, and there will be no doubt of their claiming it forcibly. 

The regular force, upon the frontiers, seems utterly inadequate for the essential purposes of the United States. 
The frontiers, from the northeast to the southwest, are nearly enclosed by the possessions, garrisons, and claims 
of two formidable foreign nations, whose interests cannot entirely coincide Avitii those of the United States. 

•Not on file. 



r91.] INDIAN DEPREDATIONS. 113 



Numerous Indian tribes reside in the vicinity, whose hostilities ai-e easily excited by their jealousy of the 
encroaching settlements and rapid population of the frontiers. 

Bold and unprincipled adventurers will arise, from time to time, who, in advancing their own schemes of ava- 
rice, or ambition, \nll be incessantly machitiating against the public peace and prosperity. 

These several circumstances, and the distance from the seat of Government, require that a wise aud vigorous 
system should be adopted and executed, as well to protect effectually the inhabitants of the frontiers, as to curb 
the licentious, and prevent the evils of anarchy, and prevent the usurpation of the public lands. 

But, besides these considerations, it would appear, from information, that the State of Georgia is desirous that 
more troops should be placed on its frontiers. There are at present three companies in Georgia, and another is 
raising there. Those four companies amount to one quarter part of the establishment. 

The paper marked B, No. 1, will show the number and stations of the troops, at present in service, and the 
numbers wanting to complete the establishment of one thousand two hundred and sixteen non-commissioned offi- 
cers and privates. 

If the intended settlements upon the Choctaw, Chickasaw, and Cherokee lands are to be effectually prevented, 
and the Government enabled to place troops upon the Tennessee, which would at once awe the Creeks, if turbu- 
lent, and thereby comply with the desires ot Georgia, and prevent the projected settlement on the Muscle Shoals, 
and if an establishment should be made at the- Miami village, it would require that the establishment should be 
augmented, so as to form a legionary corps of two thousand one hundred and twenty-eight non-commissioned 
ofticers and privates. 

If this augmentation should take place, two modes present themselves, by which the object could be effected, 
both of which, and estimates thereon, are contained in tlie paper marked B.No. 2, the one amounting to 101.466 40 
dollars, and the other to 98,542 40 dollars. 
The question, which arises on this subject, is. 

Whether the objects, proposed to be accomplished by the troops, will fully compensate for the additional 
expense .'' 

The United States have come into existence, as a nation, embarrassed with a frontier of immense extent, which 
is attended with all the peculiar circumstances before enumerated and even witli others, which are obvious, but 
which are unnecessary to recite. 

The population of die lands lying on the Western waters is increasing rapidly. The inhabitants request and 
demand protectioii: if it be not granted, seeds of disgust will be sown; sentiments of separate interests will arise 
out of their local situation, which will be cherished, either by insidious, dimiestic, or foreign emissaries. 

It therefore appears to be an important branch of the administration of the General Government, to afford the 
frontiers all reasonable protection, as well in their just rights as against their enemies: and, at the same time, it is 
essential to show all lawless adventurers that, notwithstanding the distance, Government possess the power of 
preserving peace and good order on the frontiers. It is true economy tn regulate events instead of being regulated 
by them. 

But, whether the regular establishment be increased or not. it seems indispensable that another expedition be 
made against the Wabash Indians. Affairs cannot remain where they are. Winter imposes peace for the present; 
but, unless the attention of the Indians be calle<l to their own country, they will, upon the opening of tiie spring, 
spread general desolation on the frontiers by their small parties. 

That the said Wabash Indians amount to about eleven hundred warriors; to tliis number may, perhaps, be added, 
of other more distant Indians, one thousand. 

If this should be the case, the army, for the campaisn. oushl to consist of three thousand well arranged troops, in 
order to be' superior to all opposition, and to prevent the trouble and expense of being repeated. 

That the reports, herewith submitted, marked C, No. 1, \rill exhibit the species of defensive protection per- 
niittecl, during the last year, by the General Government; the system directed by the Executive of Virginia, during 
the month of December. 1790; and the plan of a regiment of rangers, proposed to be raised on the frontiers, to answer 
the same purpose, and an estimate of the expense thereof. 

That, in case the said plan of a regiment of rangers should be adopted, the same would furnish five hundred non- 
commissioned officers and privates for the proposed expedition. 

That the otlier force^ necessary to complete the number of three thousand, might be raised under the term levies, 
to serve for the expedition, wiiich, it is presumed, would not exceed four months. 

That, to induce the men to engage voluntarily for the said object, it is respectfiilly suggested, that it might be 
proper to appoint the best and most popular ofticers in. Kentucky, and tiie frontier counties, to superior commands, 
with delegated authority to appoint their subordinatejoflicers; and the idea is also submitted, bow far a bounty ot five 
dollars in money, or clothing, would be proper. 

That the result, therefore, of the ideas suggested herein, and in the report marked C, No. 1, are, 

1 . That the situation of the frontiers requires an additional defensive protection, at least until offensive measures 
shall be put into operation. The plan of a regiment of rangers is therefore submitted. 

2. That the peculiar situation of the frontiers requires die augmentation of one regiment of regular troops, to 
consist of nine hundred and twelve non-commissioned ofticei-s and privates. 

3. That another expedition, which shall effectually dispose the W abash, and other hostile Indians, to peace, seems 
indispensable. 

Tnat the army, for the said expedition, might be thus composed: 

^e^w/ar <>"oop*, if tiie same should be augmented, - - - - - 1.200 

/?an^ers, if the same should be adopted. ....-- 500 

Ames, so called for the sake of distinction, ------ 1.500 

3,000 



But, if the regulars should not be augmented, nor the rangers adopted, then the number of levies ought to be 
proportionably increased. 

That a corps of levies, raised for the expedition, whose officers should be selected by tiie General Government, 
and who should possess a pride of arrangement and discipline, would be more efficacious, and more economical, than 
draughting the militia, cannot be well questioned. • i • 

It is to be observed, that the engagements of four hundred and twenty of the troops, on the frontiers, expire during 
the present year; and that, by tiie last accounts, only sixty of tliat number had re-enlisted on the new establishment. 

As the reduced pay of the late establishment has therefore discouraged the recruiting service, the idea is sug- 
gested, that a bounty of eight dollars should be given to all the recruits who have, or shall rc-enlist for three years, 
on the said establishment. Were Congress to authorize this bounty, the subscriber is of opinion, that all the recruits 
required would be immediately obtained. 

That the paper marked B, No. 3, contains an estimate of the expense of tiie proposed number of levies. 

That the paper marked B, No. 4, contains in one view tiie extraordinaiy expense, whicli would be incurred by 
the rangers, levies, and other objects of the proposed expedition. 

All which is humbly submitted. - ./: . „, 

1 H. KNOX, Secretary of Jfar. 

War Department, /anwary 22rf. 1791. ' 



114 ^ INDIAN AFFAIRS. [1791. 



i-.- ;, >,;••'. K, -V'.. A, No. 2. 

./ Jin Act for disposing of certain vacant lands or territory within this State. 

* Whereas divers persons from the States of Virginia, North Carolina, and South Carolina, have made application 
for the purchase of certain tracts and parcels of land, lying and bordering on the Tennessee, Tom or Don Bigby, 
Yazoo, and Mississippi rivers, within this State, and have offered to engage to settle the same, a part of whicli terri- 
tory has been already settled, on behalf of some of the applicants, under and by virtue of an act ot the General 
Assembly of this State, bearing date the seventh of February, one thousand seven iiundred and eighty-five, at Savan- 
nah, entitled •' An act for laying out a district of land situated on the river Mississippi, within the limits of this 
State, into a county to be called Bourbon:" Now, therefore, . . Ir, 

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the State of Georgia, in General Jissemhly met. 
That all that tract or part of territory of this State, within the following limits, to wit: Beginning at the mouth 
of Cole's creek, on the Mississippi, continuing to the head spring or source thereof; from thence a due east course 
to the Tom or Don Bigby river: thence, continuing along the middle ot the said river, up to the latitude thirty-three; 
thence down along the latitude thirty-three, bounding on the territory ot the Virginia Yazoo company, a due west 
course to the middle of the Mississippi; thence, down the middle of the Mississippi, to the mouth ot Cole's creek 
aforesaid; and containing about five millions of acres; shall be reserved as a pre-emption for the. Soutli Carolina 
Yazoo company, for two years, from and after the passing of this act; and if the said South Carolina Yazoo company 
shall, within the said term of two years, pay into the public treasury of this State the amount of sixty-six thousand 
nine hundred and sixty-four dollars, then it shall belawtul for tlie Governor, at the time being, and he is hereby 
empowered and directed, to sign and deliver a grant, in the usual form, to Alexander Moultne, Isaac Huger, William 
Clay Snipes, and Thomas Washington, Esquires, and the rest of their associates, and to their heirs and assigns for- 
ever, in fee simple, as tenants in common, all the tract of land included in the aforesaid boundaries. 

Jlnd be it further enacted. That all that tract or part of territory of this State, included within the following limits, 
that is to say; beginning at the mouth of Bear creek, on the south side of the Tennessee river, running thence, up the 
said creek, to the head or source; thence a due west course, to the Tom or Don Bigby, or Twenty-mile creek; thence 
down the same, to latitude thirty -three; thence, along the said latitude, bounding on the South Carolina Yazoo com- 
pany's line a due west course, to the middle of the Mississippi; thence, up the said river in the middle thereof, to the 
northern boundary of this State; thence, along the said boundary line a due east course, to the Tennessee river; tlnence, 
up the middle of the said river, to the beginning thereof, and containing seven millions of acres; shall be resei-ved as a 
pre-emption for the Virginia Yazoo company, for tlie term of two years from and alter the passing of this act; and 
if the said company shall cause to be paid into the public treasury of this State, within the said term of two years, 
the amount of ninety-tliree thousand seven hundred and forty-one doUai-s, then it shall be lawful for the Governor, 
at the time being, and he is hereby empowered and required, to sign and deliver, in the usual form, a grant of the 
aforesaid tract of land, to Patrick Henry. David Ross, William Cowan, Abraham B. Venable, John B. Scott, Wil- 
liam Cock Ellis, Francis Watkins, and John Watts, Esquires, and the rest ot their associates, and to their heirs 
and assigns forever, in fee simple, as tenants in common of all the tract of land included in the aforesaid boundaries. 
Andbe it further enacted. That all that tract or part of the territory of this State, included within the limits follow- 
ing, to wit: Beginning at the mouth of Bear creek, on the south side of the Tennessee river, in the latitude of thirty- 
four degrees forty-three minutes; running thence, up Bear creek, to the head or source; thence a due west course, 
to the Tom Bigby, or Twenty-mile creek; thence, down the said Bigby, or Twenty mile-creek, to the latitude thirty- 
four degrees; thence, a due east course one hundred and twenty mdes; thence, a due north course, to the northern 
boundary line of this State; thence, a due west course, along the northern boundary line, to the great Tennessee 
river; thence, up the middle of the said river Tennessee, to the place of beginning, and containing three millions and 
a half acres; shall be reserved as-a pre-emption for the Tennessee company, for the term of two years, from and 
after the passing this act; and if the said company shall cause to be paid into the public treasury of this State, within 
the said term ot two years, the amount of forty-six thousand eight hundred and seventy-five dollars, then it shall 
be lawful for the Governor, for the time being, and he is hereby empowered and required, to sign and deliver, in the 
usual form, a grant of the aforesaid tract of land to Zachariah Cox, Thomas Gilbert, and John Strother, Esquires, 
and to the rest of their associates, and to their heirs and assigns forever, as tenants in common of all the tract of 
land included in the aforesaid boundaries: Provided, That the said gi-antees of each separate grant, shall forbear all 
hostile attacks on any of the Indian hordes, which may be found on or near the said territory, if any such there be, 
and keep this State free from all charge and expenses which may attend the preserving of peace between the said 
Indians and grantees, and extinguishing the claims of the said Indians under the authority ot this State: And pro- 
vided further, and it is hereby expressly conditioned. That this State, and the government thereof, shall at no time 
hereatter be subject to any suit at law or in equity, or claim or pretension wliatever, for, or on account of, any 
deduction in the quantity of the said territoiy, by any recovery wiiich may or shall be had on any former claim or 
claims. 

And, for the better direction of the Governor, Be it enacted. That the treasurer of tliis State shall, on appli- 
cation of any agent of either of the said companies, within the said term of two years, receive the sum or sums of 
money, which they are hereby respectively directed to advance; a certificate or certificates of which payments, under 
the hand of the treasurer, shall be a sufficient voucher for the Governor to issue the grants to tlie respective com- 
panies as aforesaid. 

And be it further enacted, That all the remaining vacant territoiy belonging to this State, shall be disposed of as 
this or a future General Assembly shall direct, and in no other manner whatever. 

i«i)S V 1 ^^A^{\Ki\ iO^'^^, Speaker of the House of Representatives. 

.':-'. ^.miOW^^O^, President of the Senate. 

Concurred. Z)ece77i6er 21, 1789. ^ . 

EDWARD TELFAIR, Governor. 

GF.0RG1A, Secretary's Office, 12th January, 1790. 

The foregoing is a true copy, taken from the original, deposited in this office. 

. ^ D. LONGSTREET, for John Milton, Secretary. 

A, No. 3. 

Extract of a letter from Lieutenant John Armstrong to the Secretary of War, dated 

Philadelphia, January 20, 1791, 
Sni: ■. ■. ■ 

Being a public officer, I shall take the liberty of communicating to you some conversation that passed between 
a Doctor O'Fallon and myself a few days before I left Kentucky, with some other circumstances relative to a settle- 
ment about to take place at the Yazoo, on the Mississippi, under tlie direction of that gentleman. Having seen a 
proclamation published by the President of the United States. I observed to Doctor O'Fallon that I thought the sanc- 
tion of Government was necessary in order to give the color of success to his undertaking. He replied, it was imma- 
terial; that Congress were concerned with him; offered to read a letter from one of that lionorable body, but who he 
was I don't recollect In the course of conversation, he assured me that many of the gentlemen of Congress were 
concerned in the business. I was also informed that a Mr. Mitchell had raised a company of adventurers in tlie 



irOl.] INDIAN DEPREDATIONS. II5 

district of Kentucky. I saw a Mr. Christy, who informed me that he had an appointment, and expected in a little 
time to fill a company also. 

I understood trom him that the business of those men was to protect the settlement; they were to be fed, and 
have a bounty of land. O'Fallon had also contracted witii a Mr. Kirby, at t!ie rapids of Ol^o, to frame several 
houses, and have them ready to raft down the river early in the spring. 

On my way to this place, travelling tluough a part of North Carolina, I was there informed that an extensive set- 
tlement would be formed at the Big Bend of the Tennessee. This was the general subject of conversation in the 
back parts of Virginia also, and, from an advertisement, a copy of which I gave you, a numlier of families were to, 
and I doubt not but they did, meet on the 10th instant, on French Broad river, in order to proceed to the place 
above mentioned. 

' Advertisement of the proprietors of the Tennessee Company. 

Augusta, Geo. September 2, lf90. 

This is to inform those who wish to become adventurers to the Tennessee Company's purchase, that the said 
company will embark, from the confluence of Holston and French Broad rivers, on the tenth day of January next, for 
the purpose of forming a settlement on the said purchase at or near the Muscle Shoals. And, for the encouragement 
of migration to the aforesaid intended settlement, the said Tennessee Company have thought proper to set apart 
four hundred and eighty thousand acres of land in the said purchase, to lie in a true square, on tlie south side of the 
Tennessee river; which said tract of country, so set apart tor the encouragement of migration, will be first laid off 
into bounties of five hundred acres of land each: and to every family who may become adventurers to the aforesaid 
settlement will be allowed a bounty, as aforesaid, of five hundred acres each, and to every single man. half a bounty; 
that is to say, two hundred and fifty acres each, until the whole of the land so set apart is appropriated. 

Preference to the adventurers will be given by ballot. It is desired that those who wish to become adventurers 
will rendezvous, at the place appointed for setting out, time enough previous to the tenth of January to have their 
boats and necessary provisions prepared to embark. 

ZACHARIAH COX, 
. THOMAS CARR, 

" . , ■ • . • • Agents to the Tennessee Company. 

Those who wish to be further interested in land on the Tennessee river may be supplied on reasonable terms, 
by applying at the abovementioned place of rendezvous, on the first of January next, at which time and place the 
proprietors of the Tennessee Company purchase (as holding the Land on the north side of the Tennessee river, com- 
monly called the Bent) will open an office for the sale of the same. The said office will continue at the confluence 
of Holston and French Broad rivers until the tenth of January, and after, at the intended settlement of the Ten- 
nessee, until the whole of the land, or that part of the Bent (included by tlie Tennessee Company purchase) is sold, 
amounting, in the whole, to about six hundred thousand acres of the most valuablepart of the said Bent. 

Unchmbted titles, in fee simple, to adventurers and purchasers, for land in the Tennessee Company, will be given. 
Given under our hands, as proprietors to the Tennessee Company, this second day of September, 1790. 

ZACHARIAH COX, 
> THOMAS GILBERT, 
JOHN STROTHER, 

. .• Proprietors Tenne^sscc Company. 

James O'Fullon's letter to the President of the United States. 

Lexixgtox, September 25, 1790. 
Sir: 

Having, since the sealing up of the despatches herein encjosed to your Excellency, noticed a clause in the late 
Creek treaty, and another in an act of the Legislature of the United States, of Monday, January !the 4th, of this 
year, and a thinl in the same act, respecting persons passing into Indian nations, holding treaties on the subject of 
lands, and trade with them; and as, in my present agency. I may occasionally have from the Spanish and Indian 



borders intelligence of vital impoit to transmit to your Excellency, to the Governor of Georgia, to the Company, to 
tlie new ally of the States, Mr. McGillivray. through the Choctaws and Chickasaws, and may likewise have to de- 
termine on the trading intercourse between these nations and the people of my colony, so remote from your Excel- 
lency, or your Excellency's Indian superintendent, and may furtiier have to purchase more lands witiiin tlie com- 
pany's State charter, froui the Choctaws, I, in consequence, submit it to your Excellency, whether or not it would 
comport with your Excellency's arrangement and official plans to extend to inc. as the agent general of tlie company, 
sufficient authority in the premises, and to transmit it as speedily as may be. Your Excellency may depend im my 
discretion in the uses of sucliauthorify, and that your confidence will, in no one instance, be abused; without such 
trust, evils may happen. 

In regard to trade and purchases of the Choctaw tribes, it would perhaps be better to place this authority in the 
iiands of the company; but the power of passing expresses from one, in the directions just nientioned, ought, I simuld 
presume, to be speeclily invested in the acting general agent of the colony. These are submitted to your Excellency's 
better judgment, with becoming diffidence, and am, your Excellency's most devoted and respectful humble servant, 

JAMES O'FALLON, 

•' ■ ■ Jlc^enl General for, and proprietor with, the Soutli Carulinu Yazoo Company. 

P. S. By persons just now arrived from General Harmar's army, it is handed about, very confidently, that the 
expedition agamst tlie Northern Indians mustyvwc abortive. The militia (then about half ways to the Indian towns) 
began to mutiny for want of meat. They had not at the time more beeves than would last the army five days, nor 
were any ordered on. They lost near one hundred in the woods. This disgusts the people here, because they think 
it will inspirit the savages to greater hostility. The expedition, it is said, has been, by General St. Clair, too preci- 
pitately taken up, and hastily provided for. The country abounds with every supply, and the people, if called on, 
are willing to support the expedition. But, they are not called on. If it fails, a new uproar, I foresee, will be set up 
against the Governor. 



Military Articles cf contract, fyc. enteteditdo between the South Carolina Yazoo Company and their troops, of the 
\ ' ■■ Yazoo Battalion. ■.■.:•■• 

Military articles, proposals, and terms of contract, hereby offered, made, and solemnly entered into, for and on 
behalf of the South Corolina Yazoo Company, (as proprietors of that extensive territory on the Mississippi, and 
acljoining to the Natchez district, now proposed for populous colonization, by them, under a grant from the State 
vt Georgia, and a deed of gift from the Choctaw nation) by the underwritten, who himself is a co-proprietor, and 



116 



INDIAN AFFAIRS. 



[1791- 



likewise the said company's general agent in and over their aifairs, tlu-oughout the whole of the Western territory 
of the United States, and' in New Orleans and Pensacola, on the one part, and the officers and privates, as under- 
signed, on tlie other. And tliis for the sole purpose of raising, recruiting, and enlisting, and jfor that of placing on 
the spot of settlement, a well appointed, well armed, and well accoutred military corps, in full form and organization 
of a regular battalion, aptly detailed and apportioned into one ti-oop of cavalry, one company of artillery, and eight 
companies of infantry riflemen, as in order arranged, at foot; enlisted, or to be enlisted for the space of eighteen 
months certain; to be computed from the time of the battalion's arrival at the place destined and appointed by the 
company, or tiieir agent general, for the first establishment of the colony, capital, and fort; or for a snorter time, it 
the said company shall have thought proper: these troops being intended, although no danger is, at present, appre- 
hended, to ensure the greater security ot the company's rights, and their own; as well as to the rest of their fellow 
settlers' lives, liberties, and properties. 

Detail of officers and privates in this battalion, with their apportionments qf stipendiary lands, respectively. 



1 Colonel-commandant. 

1 Lieutenant Colonel, - V--. - - 6,000 

1 Lieutenant of horse, - - - - 2,400 

1 Cornet of do. . . . . 2,400 

1 Captain of artillery, - - - - 3,600 

First Lieutenant of do. - - - - 2,400 

Second Lieutenant of do. - - - 2,400 

8 Captains of infantry, 3,000 acres each, - 24,000 

1 Major, - - - - - 5,000 

1 Captain of horse, - - - - 3,600 

1 Quartermaster-sergeant, - - - 400 

1 Adjutant of horse, - - - - 400 

2 Sergeants of horse, 350 each, - - - 700 



16 Sergeants of infantry, 300 acres each, - 4,800 

2 Sergeants of artillery, 350 each, - - 700 
8 Lieutenants of infantry, 2,000 acres each, - 16,000 

. 8 Ensigns of do. do. do. - 16,000 

1 Adjutant of the battalion, - - - 2,000 

1 Surgeon of do. - - - 2,000 

1 Quartermaster - . . . 2,000 

1 Sergeant-major, . . . . 400 
47 Privates of horse, each 250 acres, - - 1 1 ,750 
46 Do. of artillery, 250 each, - -11,550 

400 Do. of infantry, 200 each, - -80,000 

2 Gunners for the artillery, 400 each,- - 800 

Total of acres, - 201,300 

In addition to the stipendiary allotments of plantation rights, as above mentioned, each private as well as officer 
is to have one town lot of half an acre, and one out lot of five acres, adjoining to the capital. 

The plantation lands are to be laid out and drawn for, consonant to rank, in enumerated sections of 400, 350, 
300, 250, and 200 acres; all in the vicinage of the said capital, where, it is presumed, the land must, in quality, be 
excellent. The town lots are, likewise, to be enumerated and drawn for, in half acre sections, and the out lots in 
sections of five acres, the company drawing lot for lot, alternately, with each officer and private, so that the troops 
(with respect to the quantity 01 their lands) will be on an equal footing with the company. These militasy lots within 
the town, may exist in any of the streets thereof, saving one; which the agent, in behalf of the company, shall 
reserve for such uses as the said company may, hereafter, have them applied to. 

The battalion is still additionally to be maintained by the company, in the subsistence of daily rations, so long 
as the troops shall have been retained in the service of the said company. 



RATIONS. 




. 


- 5 per day. 


- 


- 5 do. 


- 


- 4 do. 


- 


- 3 do. 


- 


- 2' /do. 


- 


- 2 ., do. 


- 


- 2 do. 




- 2 do. 


- 


- 1 .do. 




7 • • - 1 of a lb 


- 


: - 1 lb. 


- 


- - 1 quart. 


- 


- 1 lb. 


- 


- U lb. 



OFFICERS AND PRIVATES DAILY 

Colonel-commandant, - - . . 

Lieutenant Colonel, - 

Major, - - - 

Captains, - . ^ , . 

Lieutenants and Ensigns, 

Adjutant of the battalion, 

Surgeon, - - - . . 

Quartermaster, ----- 

All others, - . . - , 

RATIONS TO CONSIST OF — 

Bacon, salted pork, flour, or Indian corn meal. 
Or, if Bread, instead of flour, - - - 

Corn, instead of these, - - - 

Salted beef, instead of bacon, or salted pork, 

Fresh meat or fish, instead of either of these. 
One gill of whiskey, or half a gill of taffia, per day, shall accompany each ration 

The company engages to receive of the hunters and fisliermen, all the fresh meat, fish, and peltry, which they 
shall bring into the garriaon, at the customary price. The troops are to have their plantation lots and lands laid out 
for them, as soon after their arrival as may be; but not to receive their grants or final titles for the same, before they 
shall have been honorably discharged, at or before the expiration of eighteen months, as the company shall optionally 
determine on. The time of enlistment, then, is to be for eighteen months certain; or for so long (within that 
period) as the company shall judge this military establishment of defensive force absolutely necessary. The com- 
pany is to exact no other services of the troops, but such as shall be purely military. Should a soldier labor for the 
company in any other respect, it shall be voluntarily, and for a stipulated compensation. No soldier whatsoever is, 
in any wise, to be punished, as such, for any crime, under a military tribunal, but by a forfeiture of his stipendiary 
lands and lots, for the greater crimes, andthis by the solemn trial of a court martial; or, for the lesser ones, by an 
abridgment of his rations of wiiiskey or taffia, as his proper captain shall adjudge, in conjunction with the subalterns 
of the same company, or a majority of them. 

The greater crimes are, murder, or any act tending to the same; disobedience; desertion; coivardice; mutiny; 
neglect of appointed duty ; drunkenness, ivhile on duty; striking an officer; insult to his authority; and theft. 

The lesser crimes are, all else beside the above, which tend to unmilitary or immoral examples. 

The colonel-commandant (or, in his absence, the next to him in command) shall, with his corps of commissioned 
officers, possess the. exclusive authority of arranging the system of discipline, and of directing that of duty, as well 
of the officers as of the private men; and of adjusting the mode and fiie manner of holding courts martial. They 
shall, likewise, be invested with a similar authority respecting the regulation, inspection, and issuing military stores 
and provisions. 

The is to have the command of the battalion. The lieutenant colonel shall command under him; and in 

the absence of these, the command of the battalion shall devolve upon the senior officer in rank, then present. The 
captain of the cavalry is to hold precedence of him of tlie artillery; and he, of those of the infantry -riflemen. The 
same preference in rank is to hold good in regard to the lieutenants of horse and artillery, as well with respect to 
each other, as to those two, and those also of the infantry. The cornet of dragoons is to rank above the oldest lieu- 
tenant of infantry. All the infantry officers are to rank, in their respective grades, by priority, consonant to the 
priorihr of the dates of tlieir commissions. Forfeiture of lands and lots (for the greater crimes) shall equally affect 
the officers as the soldiers, with the superadded ignominy of cashierment, by sentence of court martial. No officer, 
however, shall be put under arrest, but by a senior one, who shall not be the complainant; and all such complaints 
shall be in writing. 



1791.] 



INDIAN DEPREDATIONS. 



117 



TJie troops, whether of the horse, artillery, or infantry, shall procui'C their respective manual arms and accoutre- 
ments. The cavalry are to have themselves furnished with good liorses, and with competent equipment for tiie 
same; and all are to find their own uniform and habiliments. The arms of the liorse are, swords, or cutlasses, 
pistols, or carbines. Their uniforms ai-e to consist of a li^ht-horseraan's cap, covered with bearskin; a short skirted 
coat ot blue, faced with buff, and yellow metzil buttons. The arms of the artillery are to be swords, or cutlasses, and 
their uniforms are to consist of yellow hunting-shirts, bound about the waist with broad, black, leathern belts; of 
a hat, with its leaf flapped up behind, and the crown thereof covered with a piece of bearskin; with overalls of blue. 
The infantry-riflemen are to wear the same uniform with the artillery: and their arms are to be, each, a good rifle, 
or musket, shot or bullet-pouch, and powder-horn. All militaiy stores and ammunition, for duty, are to be furnisiied 
by the company. 

Should any person demise, while in service, Ids stipendiary lands are to revert to his heirs, or to pass over to his 
assigns, as fully, absolutely, and legally, as if he had duly served out the whole period of his enlistment. 

The company will grant (as a bounty of encouragement to female adventurers, who shall have enterprised into 
this territory, at the time the battalion moves to it) five hundred acres of land to the first woman who shall land tlicre; 
and five hundred more to her who shall bring forth in it the first live child, bastard or legitimate. 

All those, of whatever class or rank, who shall take provisions of solid food, or \\ hiskey, down \\'ith them to this 
settlement, shall be paid for the same in cash, or in goods, on the delivery of these provisions to the agent's orders. 
Every woman, married or marriageable, who shdl accompany t!ie troops to the place of settlement, shall have one 
hundred acres of land. 

The articles being obligatory on the company, and on their troops, the one to the other, are to be signetl, for the 
company, by the agent general, and, for the battalion, by die oflicers and privates thereof; as hereinafter specified by 
their signatures, respectively. . . 



Officers of the Yazoo battalion, commissioned as well as warranted; their natncs and grades, respectively. 

* « 

Battalion filled, mustered, and enrolled, on the I6th day of September, 1790: 



Colonel commandant, 
Lieutenant Colonel, 
Major, 



Captain, 
Lieutenant, 
Cornet, ' 



Captain, 
Lieutenant, 
2d Lieutenant, 



Captains, 



Lieutenants, 



Ensigns, 



Quartermaster, 
Quartermaster sergeant. 
Adjutant of the battalion. 
Surgeon of the battalion. 
Sergeant-major, 
Adjutant of horse. 



John Holder, Esq. 
Thomas Kennedy, Esq. 
Henry Owen, Esq. 



HORSE. 



Ebenezer Piatt, gentleman. 
Charles Scott, jun. gentleman. 
Sherwood Harris, gentleman. 

ARTILLERY. 

Thomas Reynolds, gentleman. , 
James Noland, gentleman. 
Andrew McCroshie, gentleman. 

INFANTRY. 

1st. John Mclntire, gentleman. , 

RIFLEMEN-. 

2(1. Martin Nail, gentleman. 
3d. John Sappingtbn. gentleman. 
4th. Charles Hazlewrigg, gentleman. 
.5th. Francis Jones, gentleman. 
6th. Philip Alston, gentleman. 
7th. James Dromgold, gentleman. 
8th. Joseph Blackburn, gentleman. 

1st. Gabriel Hardin, gentleman. 
2d. John Price, gentleman. 
3d. William Briscoe, gentleman. 
4t]i. Martin Johnson, gentleman. 
.5th. Robert Knox, gentleman. 
6th. John Alston, gentleman. 
7th. Daniel Scott, gentleman. 
8th. George Logan, gentleman. 

1st. Francis McDowell, gentleman. 

2d. William Boyd, gentleman. 

3d. Asa Seafroy, gentleman. 

4th. John Holden, gentleman. 

.5th. Philip Bush, gentleman. 

6th. Anthony McGuire, gentleman. 

7th. Tobias Talniash, gentleman. 

8tli. Nath'l Howard, gentleman. 

WARRANTED OFFICERS. 

WOliam Kennan. 
John Drake. 
James Mitchel. 
William Sappington. 
Patrick Irwin. 
Charles Davis. 



B, No. 1. 
Statement of the Troops in the service of the United States, 



w 



.\t St. Mary's, 
Rock Landing, 
Beard's Bluff, 
Augusta, 



IM GEORGIA. 

Burbeck's company, consisting of 

Savage's, 

J. Smith's, - - 

Rudolph's, 



69 aon-commissionecl and privates. 

35 

51 - 

20 ■ ' ■ 



16 



"? 



118 



INDIAN AFFAIRS. 



[1791. 



WESTERN FRONTIERS. 



Fort Washington, Six companies, 

Fort Knox, St. Vincennes, Two ditto. 



Fort Franklin, 
Fort Harniar, 
Halifax, N. C. recruiting, 
Kentucky, recruiting, 
West Point, 



Detachment, 
Two companies, 
Montfort's company, 
B. Smith's 
Detachment, 



War Office, 22d Ja?iMa«/, 1791. 



In service, 

Wanting to complete. 

Establishment, . 



295 non-commissioned and privates. 
142 

18 

87 

50 

12 

21 

820. 
396 



1,216 



H. KNOX, Secretary of War. 



'" ■ '"'.^ B, No. 2. 

■ Estimctte of the modes of augmentation of the Troops. 

The present military establishment of the United States consists of one regiment of infantry and one bat- 
talion of artillery; the whole number of non commissioned and privates amount to 1216. ^ 



•ijf 



Tlie Regiment of Infantrxj is composed as follows: 

REGIMENTAL STAFF. 

1 Lieutenant Colonel-commandant, 



1 Paymaster, 




1 Surgeon, 




2 Surgeon's mates; 


And three battalions, 


each of which consists of 


1 Major, 




1 Adjutant, 


» . 


1 Quartermaster 


) 


And four companies, 


each of 


1 Captain, 




1 Lieutenant, 




1 1 Ensign, 




4 Sergeants, 


J 


4 Corporals, 




2 Musicians, 


-, ■■' - i 


' 66 Privates. 


... _ , . , , 



The battalion of artillery is of the same formation as the battalions of infantry, excepting havinga paymaster. 
If it should be thought proper to augment the establishment with another regiment of infantry of the same pro- 
portions, the establishment would consist of 2,128 non-commissioned and privates, formed as follows: 

Infantry, 1,824 non-commissioned and privates— ^9. regiments, each of 3 battalionsj'each battalion of four com- 
panies, each company of 76 non-commissioned and'privates. 

.flrtillery, 304 non-commissioned and privates — 1 battalion of four companies each, 76 non-commissioned and 
privates. 



In tills case the following would be an estimate of the expenses for one year: 



PAY. 



1 Lieutenant Coloqe 


1 -commandant, at $60 per month. 


- 


$720 00 


3 Majors, 


- 


at 


40 


do 


- 


1,440 00 


12 Captains, 


- 


at 


30 


do 


- 


4,320 00 


12 Lieutenants, 


- 


- . at 


22 


do 


- ■ '- 


3,168 00 


12 Ensigns, 


- 


- . At 


18 


do 


' - 


2,592 00 


3 Surgeon's mates, 


- 


-at 


24 


do - 


- 


864 00 


1 Adjutant, 


- 


;-. at 


10 


t : -- ■ 


. 


. 120 00 


1 Paymaster, 


- 


- ' at 


5 


- 


60 00 


1 Quartermaster, 


- 


- at 


5 


do - - 


- 


60 00 


3 Sergeant-majors, 


- 


- at 


6 


do- 


- ■ - 


216 00 


3 Quartermaster ser; 


^eants, 


at 


6 


do- 


- 


216 00 


48 Sergeants, 


- 


at 


5 


do - 


" " % 


2,880 00 


48 Corporals, 


- 


at 


4 


do 




2,304 00 


24 Musicians,') 
784 Privates, 3 


- 


at 


3 


do - 

1 


. " * 


29,088 00 




$48,048 00 








Deductions. 






54 Sergeants, 


_ 


- $1 


40 per month. 


$907 20 




48 Corporals, 


- 


- ~ 1 


15 


do 


662 40 




808 Musicians and Privates, 


- 


90 


do 


- 8,726 40 
















10,296 00 














Amount of pay, 


- 


$37,742 00 








SUBSISTENCE. 






1 Lieut. Col. Commandant, 


- 


- 


6 rations, - • 


2,190 




3 Majors, - 


- 


- 


- 


4 do - 


4,380 




12 Captains, 


- 


- 


- 


3 do - 


- 13,140 




12 Lieirtenants, 


- 


. 


- 


2 do - 


8,760 




12 Ensigns, 


- 


- 


- 


2 do - 


8,760 




3 Surgeon's mates, 


- 


-' 


. 


2 do - 


2,190 




910 Non-commissioned and piivates. 


- 


1 do - 


- 332,150 














371,570 








At 12 


cents per ration. 





44,588 40 



1791.] 



INDIAN DEPREDATIONS. 



119 



FORAGE. 

1 Lieut. Col. Commandant, - - - $12 per month, 

3 Majors, - - - - - 10 do 

1 Adjutant, 1 Paymaster, 1 Quartermaster, 6 do 

3 Surgeon's mates, - ' - - - 6 do 



, . CLOTHING. 

910 Non-commissioned and privates, at 20 dollars. 



$144 00 
360 00 
216 00 
£18 00 


936 00 

18,200 00 





■ •' - ■ $101,466 40 

But if the principle of the augmentation should be agreed to, but not the foregoing mode, then the following plan 
is submitted: 

The whole establishment of infantry and artillery to consist of 20 companies, each company of 108 non-com- 
missioned, and privates, amounting in total, to 2, 16Q. 

Each company, in consideration of the augmeWatign from 76 to 108, to have an additional lieutenant, 2 ser- 
geants, and 2 corporals, and to be formed as follows: 

1 Captain, 6 Corporals, 

'2 Lieutenants, 2 Musicians, ' ^ 

• . ■ ■ 1 Ensign, 94 Privates. / ,' . ,'- 

.6 Sergeants, ' ■ 

The infantry to be formed into two regiments, each of two battalions of four companies. 
The artillery to remain formed into one battalion of four companies. 

In this case, the following statement would be the precise number of the augmentation, and an estimate of tli,e 
expenses thereof: 



PAY. 



1 Lieutenant Colonel-commandant, at $60 per month, 



1 Major, 
4 Captains, 
8 Lieutenants, - 
4 Ensigns, 
1 Adjutant, 
1 Quartermaster, 
1 Paymaster, - 
.1 Sergeant-major, 
. , 1 Quartermaster sergeant, 
• 24 Sergeants, 
24 Corporals, 
8 Musicians, 
376 Privates 



Tl 



26 Sergeants, 
24 Corporals, 
384 Musicians and privates, 



One battalion complete, 
at 40 per month, 



at 30 


do 


at 22 


do 


at 18 


do 


at 10 


do 


at 5 


do 


at 5 


do 


at 6 


do 


at 6 


do 


at 5 


do 


at 4 


do 



at 



do 



Deductions. 

at $1 40 per montii, 
at 1 15 do 

at 90 do 





Amount of pay 




SUBSISTENCE. 


1 Lieut. Col. Commandant, • - 
1 Major, 
4 Captains, 
8 Lieutenants, - 
4 Ensigns, - - - 
434 Non-commissioned and privates. 


6 rations, 
4 do 
3 do 
2 do 
2 do 
1 do 



720 00 



- 


480 00 


- 


- 1,440 00 


- 


- 2,112 00 


- 


864 00 


- 


120 00 


- 


60 00 


- 


60 00 


- 


- 72 00 




72 00 




- 1,440 00 


- 


- 1,152 00 


- 


- 12,624 00 




$21,216 00 


$436 80 




331 20 


■* 


4,147 20 






4,915 20 




- 


$16,300 80 


2,190 




1,460 




4.380 




5,840 




2,920 


* ■ 


58,410 





At 12 cents per ration. 



175.200 



21,024 00 



I Lieutenant Colonel-commandant, 
1 Major, 



at $12 per month, 
at 10 do 



I Adjutant, 1 Quartermaster, 1 Paymaster, each 6 



CLOTHING. 

434 Non-commissioned and privates, at $20 - - 

16 Additional lieutenants totlie sixteen existing companies of infantry and 
.artillery, at $22 per month, .... 

32 Additional sergeants, at 5 do - 

32 Corporals. - -at4do- 

448 Privates, being 28 additional to each of the aforesaid companies of artil 



lery and infantry, at $3 per montli. 



•* "32 Sergeants. - 
32 Corporals, - 
448 Privates, 



Deductions.. 



$1 40 
1 15 
90 



$537 60 

441 6(1 

4.838 40 



144 00 

120 00 
216 00 



8,680 00 

4,224 00 
1,920 00 
1,536 00 



- 16,128 00 
5,808 00 



.8^17 60 



480 00 



17,990 40 



$64,475 20 



120 



INDIAN AFFAIRS. 



[1791. 



16 Lieutenants. - - . - 2 

512 Non-commissioned and privates. 1 



SUBSISTENCE. 

rations, 
do 



At 12 cents per ration, 



11,680 
186,880 

198.560 



23,827 20 



CLOTHING. 



512 Non-commissioned and privates, at $20 



■ i: !,.f «:. ir:;.^i;^^■i 



10,240 00 

98,542 40 



By this plan the additional non-commissioned officers and privates would amount to 944 
By the first mode, to - '.-,. . r,- . -- •-■: - -, ... 912 



TbifFerence, 



32 



It appears that tlie difference of expense would be greater for the former than the latter mode, by tiie sum of 
$2,924. But the Secretary of War submits it as liis opinion, that the additional regiment of three battalions would 
be the best formation, considering the nature of tlie service to be performed on the frontiers. 

But if the augmentation should take place in either mode, or, indeed, if it should not take place, it seems essen- 
tial for the public interests, that an officer of high rank and responsibility should command on the frontiers: the pub- 
lic interest in that quarter requires the best security to be obtained. The idea is, therefore, hereby suggested, that 
a Major General should be appointed to the command of the troops on the frontiers. In this case, the following ex- 
pense would be incurred: 

The pay of a major general, $166 per month, - - - - - - $1,992 00 " ' 

Subsistence, 15 rations, per day, - 5,475 rations, at 12 cents, - - - 657 00 



Forage, $24 per month 



288 00 



QUARTERMASTER. 



Pay, $60 per month. 

Subsistence, 6 rations is 2,190, at 12 cents. 

Forage, $12 per month, - 



2,937 00 

720 00 
262 80 
144 00 



r',J ti: 



■" :■ " $1,126 80 

Tiie articles in tlie quartermaster's department are at present supplied by the contractors. But, it is apprehended, 
that a quartermaster to tiie troops would be more economical. The idea is, therefore, submitted, that a quarter- 
master should be appointed, who should govern himself by such regulations, respecting his said duty, as tlie Presi- 
dent of the United States should, from time to time, direct. It is proposed that the quartermaster should have the 
pay, rations, and forage, of a lieutenant colonel -commandant. 



• B, No. 3. . ' 

.dn estimate of the expense of the corps of Levies, consisting of 1,500 noii-commissioncd and privates, for four 

months. 



1 Brigadier General, at $100 per month. 



PAY. 



2 Lieutenant Colonels, 


60' 


do 


5 Majors, 


40 


do 


20 Captains, 


30 


do 


20 Lieutenants, 


22 


do 


20 Ensigns, 


18 


do 


1 Adjutant, 


10 


do 


1 Quartermaster, 


5 


do 


1 Paymaster, - 


5 


do 


5 Surgeon's mates. 


24 


do 


80 Sergeants, 


5 


do 


80 Corporals, 


4 


do 


40 Musicians, and? 
1,300 Privates, 5 


C> 


do 





1 Brigadier General, 

2 Lieutenant Colonels, 

5 Majors, . . . 

20 Captains, 
20 Lieutenants, - 
• 20 Ensigns, 

5 Surgeon's mates, 
1500 Non-commissioned and privates. 



Amount of pay. 



SUBSISTENCE. 

8 rations, 

6 do 

4 do 

3 do 

2 do 

2 do 

2 do 

1 do 



$400 00 

480 00 

800 00 

2,400 00 

1,760 00 

1,440 00 

40 00 

20 00 

20 00 

480 00 

1,600 00 

1,280 00 

16,080 00 



- $26,800 00 



At 12 cents, 



960 
1,440 
2,400 
7,200 
4,800 
4,800 
1,200 
180,000 

202,800 



24,3 



FORAGE. 



Brigadier General, 
Lieutenant Colonels, 
Majors, 



1 Adjutant, - 
1 Quartermaster, 
1 Paymaster, 
5 Surgeon's mates. 



12 
10 
6 
6 
6 
6 



$ 72 00 




96 00 




200 00 




24 00 




24 00 




24 00 




120 00 






560 00 






$51,696 00 



1791.] INDIAN DEPREDATIONS. 121 



In order that the levies should be on a footinfi; with the regular troops, tliey ought to have, for 
the four months' service, one-third part of the clothing of the said regulars, but subject to a pro- ' 

protional deduction. The clothing, so given, should be of the most useful kind, so as to enable 
the levies to render the most service. It is to be observed, that many of the militia are soon ren- 
dered unfit for senice by want of clothing. ' . , 
The clotliing, therefore, for the aforesaid 1,500 non-commissioned and privates, amount, at 

$6 2-3, to - - $10,000 . , . 

. From which the follo^ving deductions are to be made, agreeably to law: 

80 Sergeants, - - - 46 2-3 cents per month, $149 34 ' •. 

80 Corporals, - - - 38 1-3 do do - 122 66 . 

1340 Musicians and privates, 30 do do - 1,608 00 

1,880 00 8,120 00 

•••.'•■.• . . , •.''•■■ $59,816 00 

If only 1 ,300 levies should be raised, then 2-15th parts of the above sum would be deducted. On the contrary, if 
the levies should be augmented to 2,000, then the aforesaid estimate to be increased one-fourth part, viz. 
If 1,300, there is be deducted, --------- 7,96200 

If2,000, there is to be added, - - ... - - - - - 14,95400 

• ' H. KtiOX, Secretary of War. ■ 

War Office, January 22, 1791. . . . ' 

. ' ' ■ " ' B, No. 4. ■ • ■ ■ 

A general estimate of the extraordinary expenses which would be incurred by an expedition against the ff abash 
Indians, calculated for four months, and the expense of a proposed regiment of Bangers for nine months. 

The rangers, as per estimate, marked C, No. 6, - - . " " " - - $49,454 00 

The levies, as per estimate, marked , the greatest sum being taken, - - - 74,770 00 

The difference between the price of 2,500 rations per day on the Ohio, and the proposed place of opera- 
tion, the one being stated 6| cents, and the other 15| cents, calculated at 120 days, 300,000 ra- 
tions, at 85 cents difference, -.-.----. 25,500 00 
The same difference for 600 continental troops, - - - - - - - 6,120 00 

Quartermaster's Department. 

Camp equipage of all sorts, boats, horses, tents, &c. and the transportation, including hospital stores 
and baggage for the army, and cannon and stores to establish a post at the Miami, estimated in the 

^ ,§™P, - - - - - 50,000 00 

Medical and hospital stores, - - - - - - - - t 4,000 00 

Arms and ammunition are. not estimated, the principal articles being in the public stores. 

Contingencies, - - - - - - - - - - , - . 25,000 00 



$234,844 00 



• ' / H. KNOX, Secretai-y of War. 
War Office, 226? /(rmwan/, 1791. ' ' .' ■ ' 



1st Congress.] • -^ .^ ]Vo. 17. ' ' ' [3d Session. 



INDIAN DEPREDATIONS. 

COMMUNICATED TO CONGRESS, JANUARY, 27, 1791. 

Gentlemen of the Senate 

and House of Representatives: 

In order that you may be fully informed of the situation of the frontiers, and the prospects of hostility in that 
quarter, I lay before you the intelligence of some recent depredations, received since my message to you upon tliis 
subject, of the 24th instant. 

■ . . . GEO. WASHINGTON. 

Unitep States, January 9.7, 1791. 



, ' Ruf us Putnam, Esq. to the President of the United States. •' 

. Marietta, /anwary 8, 1791. 

Sir: 

The mischief which I feared, has overtaken us much sooner than I expected. On the evening of the 2d instant, 
between sunset and daylight-in, the Indians surprised a new settlement of our people, at a place on the Muskingum, 
called the Big-bottom, nearly forty miles up the river, in which disaster eleven men, one woman, and two children, 
were killed: three men are missing, and four others made their escape. Thus, sir, the war, which was partial 
before the campaign of last year, is, in all probability, become general: for I think there is no reason to suppose that 
we a.re the only people on whom the savages will wreak their vengeance, or that the number of hostile Indians have 
not increased since the late expedition. Our situation is truly critical: the Governor and Secretary both being 
absent, no assistance from Virginia or Pennsylvania can be had. The gariison at fort Harmar, consisting at this 
time of little more than tvventy men, can afford no protection to our settlements, and the whole number of men, in 
all our settlements, capable ot bearing arms, including all civil and military officers, do not exceed two hundred 
and eighty seven, and these, many of them, badly armed. We are in the utmost danger of being swallowed up, 
should the enemy push the war with vigor during the winter; this I believe will fully appear, by taking a short view 
ot our several settlements, and I hope justify the extraordinary measures we have adopted, for want of a legal 
autlionty in the territory to apply for aid in the business. The situation of our people is nearly as follows. : 



122 



INDIAN AFFAIRS. 



[1791. 



At Marietta are about eighty houses, in the distance of one mile, with scattering houses about three miles up the 
Ohio. A set of mills at Duckcreek, four miles distant, and another mill two miles up the Muskingum. Twenty- 
two miles up this river is a settlement, consisting of about twenty families; about two miles from them, on Wolf 
Creek, are five families and_ a set of mills. Down the Ohio, and opposite the little Kenhawa, commences the 
settlement called Belle Prairie, which extends down the river, with little interruption, about twelve miles, and 
contains between thirty and forty houses. Before the late disaster, we had several other settlements, which are 
already broken up. I have taken the liberty to enclose the proceeuings of the Ohio company and justices of the 
sessions on this occasion, and beg leave, with the greatest deference, to observe, that, unless Government speedily 
send a body of troops for our protection, we are a ruined people. The removal of the women and children, &c. 
will reduce many of the poorer sort to the greatest straits; but if we add to this the destruction of their corn, forage, 
and cattle, by the enemy, which is veiy probable to ensue, I know of no way they can be supported; but, if this 
should not happen, where these people are to raise bread another year, is not easy to conjecture, and most of them 
have nothing left to buy with. But my fears do not stop here; we are a people so for detached from all others, in 
point of situation, that we can hope tor no timely relief, in case of emergency, from any of our neighbors; and, 
among the number that compose our present military strength, almost one half are young men, hired into the country, 
intending to settle by and by; these, under present circumstances, will probably leave us soon, unless prospects 
should brighten; and, as to new settlers, we can expect none in our present situation; so that, instead of increasing 
in strength, we are like to diminish daily; and, if we do not fall a prey to the saVages, we shall be so reduced and 
discouraged as to give up the settlement, unless Government shall give us timely protection. It has been a mystery 
with some, why the troops have been withdrawn from this quarter, and collected at the Miami; that settlement is, 
I believe, within three or four days' march of a very populous part of Kentucky, from whence, in a few days, they 
might be reinforced with several thousand men, whereas, we are not within two.hundred miles.of any settlement, that 
can probably more than protect themselves. 

But, I forbear suggestions of this sort, and will pnly observe further, that our present situation is truly distres- 
sing; and I do, therefore, most earnestly implore the protection of Government, for myself and friends inhabiting 
these wilds of America. To this we conceive ourselves justly entitled; and so far as you, sir, have the means in 
your power, we rest assured that we shall receive it in due time. 

I have the honor to be, with the highest possible respect, sir, your most obedient and most humble servant, . . 



RUFUS PUTNAM. 



To the President of the United States of America. 



.• • " Rufus Putnam, Esq. to the Secretary of War. 

,." Mf'... w-.il,: li.r.v.faili--. >..,:.*' -il MARIETTA, JflnWaf J/ 8<A, 1791. '^ 

Dear Sir: 

I snatch a moment's time, to tell you, that, on the 2d instant, the Indians surprised a block-house of ours, 
about 40 miles up the Muskingum, killed 14 persons, and carried off three others; these last lodged in a hut, about 
50 rods from the block-housej 4 .others, who also lodged a distance from the block -house, made their escape. This 
event clearly proves that the expedition against the Shawanese will not produce peace, but, on the contrary, a more 
general and outrageous war.; in wliich case there is with us but one alternative; Government must either giVe us 
some troops, or we must evehtually.be obliged to quit the country; our numbers are too small to make head against 
a host of savages, without aid from the General Government. Being confident that we deserve, we endeavor to 
believe that we shall obtain, their protection; and, in the mean time, are taking all possible measures in our power 
tor our own preservation, and shall endeavor not only to defend the town of Marietta, but the most considerable 
out-settlements that remain, till such time as Congress shall take their measures respecting the war, which has been 
blown into a flame by the expedition against the Shawanese. I hope Government will not be long in deciding what 
part to take: for,, if we are not to be protected, tlie sooner we know it the better— better for us and better for Govern- 
ment; better that we withdraw ourselves at once, tlian remain to be destroyed by piecemeal; and better that 
Government disband their troops now in the country, and give it up altogether, than be wasting the public money 
in supporting a few troops, altogether inadequate to the purpose of giving peace to the territory. 
I have the honor to be, with very great respect, sir, your very humble servant, 

RUFUS PUTNAM. 
Hon. H. Knox, Esq. •. . 



Captain David Zeigler to Governor St. Clair. 



Sir: 



FoBT Harmar, January 8, 1791. 



I have the mortification to inform your Excellency, that, on the 2d instant, in the evening, the settlements 
called Big Bottom, consisting of 16 men, one woman, and two children, were destroyed by the savages, and only two 
men escaped, and three supposed taken prisoners, as the bodies werenotfound. As soon as I got acquainted, assisted 
Colonel Sprout to make a detachment with as many men as I possibly could spare, towards that settlement; the 

Indians were gone before the party arrived. 

Since your departure, no Indians had made their appearance here, and they' are, to a great number, at the Great 
Rock, and White Woman's creek, and do not seem to be inclined to come in. The 4th instant was the day I had 
appointed for George White-Eyes, the old, which is amongst us, to go as far as said place, but now he is apprehensive 
of danger, not only from them, but, also, from his own people, which obliged me to save him from trouble. Polly, the 
Wyandot woman, is also here, and informed me, the 1st instant, in a crying manner, that she apprehended all the 
savages were hostile inclined; when being in their town, numbers of theChippewas and Ottawas have passed to join 
those banditti, with their usual mode of singing, by giving farewell to their nation for some time. To give credit to 
all that, I let your Excellency judge. 

Since this unhappy affair happened, the Ohio company voted troops to be raised for their defence, and for such 
time, until more troops will be sent on to this post. They also voted three block-houses to be erected; the troops 
so raised, to have the same pay and rations (but no clothing) as the troops got last war in the service of the United 
States; this I am afraid will hurt the establishment; 

Upon application from the directors of the Ohio, in givmg them assistance, shall order Ensign Morgan, with 
fifteen men, on his return, to guard one of those block-houses, and any other aid possible on my part, they shall have. 
All our settlements must become more careful, otherwise they may meet witli the same fate. 
The French families, I expect, will take shelter in this garrison, so quartered at Campus Martius, as by their law 
made. The women and children in the different settlements will repair to said place. 
No new commissary has maile his appearance as yet, and of course no provision. 

I have the honor to be, with the highest esteem, your Excellency's most ob't. and most humble serv't, 

DAVID ZEIGLER, Capt. 1st United States' regt. 

His Excellency Arthur St. Clair, Governor Western Territory. 



1791.] 



CHEROKEES, SIX NATIONS, AND OTHERS. 



123 



1st Congress.] 



No. 18. 



[3d Session. 



ONEIDAS AND TUSCARORAS. 

• • COMMtTNICATEp TO TU^ HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES^ MARCH 3, 1791. 

War Office, /'eiman/ 26<A, 1791. 

The Secretary for the Department of War, to whom was referred the petitions of several Oneida and Tuscarora 

Indians, by their attorney, Cornelius Vansfyck, repdrts: 

That, on the 3d of April, 1779, Congress resolved, " That twelve blank commissions be transmitted to the Com- 
missioners of Indian Aflairs for the Northern Department, and that they, or any two of them, be empowered to fill 
theni up with the names of faithful chiefs of the,Oneidas and Tuscaroras, giving them such rank as the said com- 
missioners shall judge they merit; the names and ranks to be by the commissioners reported to the Board of War." 

That, in pursuaiice of the said resolve, the following named chiefs or Indians, of said nations, were commissioned, 
and returns transmitted to the Board of War, viz: 

Hansjurie Tewahongrahkon, 
. ';'. Tewaghtahkotte. 
■ . James Wakarontharan, 

, . John Otaawighton, J 

Christian Thonigwenghsoharie, ■ 
'\ John Sagoharasie, 

Joseph Banaghsatirhon, 
Cornelius Okenvota, 
Cornelius Kakiktoton, 
-■ ' ■ Hansjoost Thaosagwat, 

. . ... Totvaneahani, 

Nicholas Kayhnatho, J 

That the commissions granted as afoi;esaid, appear in the usual form of commissions granted to officers of the line 
of the anny, and specify that the individuals betorementioned should take rank from the 6th June, 1779. 

That, on the 5th of June, 1779, Congress resolved, " That one more blank commission be sent to the Commis- 
sioners of Indian Atfairs in the Northern Department, to be filled up with the name of such faitliful chief, as they 
shall deem worthy of that honor. " 

In pursuance of this act, it appears a like commission of Lieutenant Colonel in the Army of the United States 
wasgranted to Louis Atayataronghta, giving the said Louis rank from the 15th June, 1779. 

That, on the 11th of February, 1785, Congress resolved, "That it be, and it is hereby, recommended to the State 
of New York, to settle with Captains Hansjurie Tewahangahtan, John Olaawighton, James Wakarantharaw, and 
Lieutenants Nicholas Kayhnatsho, Cornelius Kakiktoton, Cornelius Okenyota, Indians of the Oneida and Tus- 
carora nations, late officers in the service of the United States, and pay their accounts in like manner as other 
officers in the line of that State." 

In consequence of said act, the State of New York made good the depreciation of pay of the said Indians to the 
1st August, 1780, and settled with them for their pay to the 1st January, 1782. 

That, of the Indians who were commissioned by the acts of Congress of the 3d April and 5th June, 1779, the 
following now appear, by their attorney, to claim the benefits arising from the said commissions, viz: 



^Captains.. 



>LieutehantS( 



I 



Louis Atayataronghta, 

Hansjurie Tewaliongrahkon, 
James Wakarontharan. 
John Otaawighton, 

John Sagoharasie, by his widow 
Margaret Oginghtronte, 
Cornelius Hakiktoton, 



Lieutenant Colonel. 
Captains. 



1 
I 



Hansjost Thaosagwat, by his widow I 



)-Lieutenants. 



Elizabeth Shentijo. 






It appears by the evidence of Edward Johnson, that Hansjost Thaosagwat, was killed on the western expedition 
under General Sullivan, and from verbal information obtained from Captain Michael Connolly, of the late New 
York line, it appears that John Sagoharasie died some time in 1781, and that Lieutenants Christian Thonigwenghso- 
harie, Joseph Banaghsatirhon, and Totyaneahani, deserted to, and exchanged their commissions with, the British. 

That Lieutenant Colonel Louis Atayaronghta, has been settled with by the United States for his commutation, 
and for pay, to the same period that the State of New York settled with those under the act aforesaid. 

On this statement, the Secretary of \^ ar remarks, that, however it may be supposed to have been tiie intention 
of Congress that the aforesaid Indians should receive the half-pay and the same rewards as the officers of the late 
army, that the claim is now preclud&l by the resolves of limitation, excepting as to the lands to which it appears 
they are entitled, and which it is conceived they may receive without any act of Congress. 

All which is immbly submitted to the House of Representatives. 

... n.VJ^Gyi, Secretary of War. 



Congress.] 



No. 19. 



[1st Session. 



. CHEROKEES, SIX NATIONS, AND CREEKS. V 

COMMUNICATED TO THE SENATE, OCTOBER 26, 1791. . ' ' . 

Gentlemen of the Senate: 

I have directed the Secretary of War to lay before you, for your consideration, all the papers* relative 
to the late negotiations with the Cherokee Indians, and the treaty concluded with that tribe, on the 2d day of July 
last, by the superintendent of the Southern district; and I request your advice, whether I shall ratify the same. 



• These papers are not on file. 



124 INDIAN AFFAIRS. [1791. 



I also lay before you the instructions to Colonel Pickering, and his conferences with the Six Nations of Indians. 
These conferences were for the purpose of conciliation, and at a critical period to withdraw those Indians to a 
greater distance from the theatre of war, in order to prevent their being involved therein. ( 1 ) 

It might not have been necessary to request your opinion on this business, had not the commissioner, with good 
intentions, but incautiously, made certain ratifications of lands, unauthorized by his instructions, and unsupported 
by the constitution.- 

It, therefore, became necessary to disavow the transaction explicitly, ma letter written by my orders to the 
Governor of New York,, on the 17th of August last 

The speeches to the Cornplanter, and other Seneca Chiefs, the mstruetions to Colonel Proctor, and his report, 
and other messages and directions, (2) are laid before you for your information; and, as evidences that all proper 
lenient measures preceded the exercise of coercion. 

The letters to the Chief of the Creeks are also laid before you, to evince that the requisite steps have been 
taken to produce a full compliance with the treaty made with that nation, on the 7th of August, 1790. 

. GEO. WASHINGTON. 

United States, 26/A October, 1791. 

A Treaty of peace and friendship, made and concluded between the President of the United States of America, on 

the part and behalf of the said States, and the undersigned chiefs and warriors, of the Cherokee nation of Indians, 

on the part and behalf of the said nation. 

The parties being desirous of establishing permanent peace and friendship between the United States and the 
said Cherokee nation, And the citizens and members thereof, and to remove the causes of war by ascertaining their 
limits, and making other necessary, just, and friendly arrangements: the President of the United States, by Wil- 
liam Blount, Governor of the terntory of the United States of America south of the river Ohio, and superintendent 
of Indian affairs for the Southern district, who is vested with full powers for tliese pui-poses, by and with the advice 
and consent of the Senate of the United tetates; and the Cherokee nation, by the undersigned chiefs and warriors, 
representing the said nation, have agi-eed to the following articles, namely: 

Article 1. There shall be perpetual peace and friendship between all the citizens of the United States of 
America and all the individuals composing the whole Cherokee nation of Indians. 

Art. 2. The undersigned chiefs and warriors, for themselves, and all parts of the Cherokee nation, do acknow- 
ledge themselves and the said Cherokee nation to be under the protection of the United States of America, and of 
no other sovereign whosoever; and they also stipulate that the said Cherokee nation will not iiold any treaty with 
any foreign Power, individual State, or with individuals of any State. 

Art. 3. The Cherokee nation shall deliver to the Governor of the territory of the United States of America, 
south of the river Ohio, on or before tiie first day of April next, at this place, all persons who are now prisoners, 
captured by them from any part of the United States; and the United States shall, on or before the same day, and 
at the same place, restore to the Cherokees, all the prisoners now in captivity, which the citizens of the United 
States have captured from them. . ^ . . 

Art. 4. The boundary between the citizens of the United States and the Cherokee nation is, and shall be, 
as follows: Beginning at the top of the Currahee mountain, where the Creek line passes it: thence a direct line to 
Tugelo river; thence northeast to the Occunna mountain, and over the same, along the Soutli Carolina Indian boun- 
dary, to the North Carolina boundary; thence north, to a point from which a line is to be extended to the river 
Clinch, that shallpass the Holston at the ridge which divides the waters running into Little river froni those 
running into the Tennessee; thence, up the river Clinch, to Campbell's line, and along the same to the top of Cum- 
berland mountain; thence a direct line to the Cumberland river, where the Kentucky road crosses it; thence, down 
the Cumberland river, to a point from which a southwest line will strike the ridge which divides the waters of Cum- 
berland from those of Duck river, forty miles above Nashville; thence, down the said ridge, to a point from whence 
a southwest line will strike the mouth of Duck river. 

And in order to preclude forever all disputes relative to the said boundary, the same shall be ascertained, and 
marked plainly, by three persons appointed on the part of the United States, and three Cherokees on the part of 
their nation. 

And in order to extinguish forever all claims of the Cherokee nation, or any part thereof, to any of the land 
lying to the right of the line above described, beginning as aforesaid at the Currahee mountain, it is hereby agreed, 
that, in addition to the consideration heretofore made|for the said land, the United States will cause certain valua- 
ble goods to be immediately delivered to the undersigned chiefs and warriors, for the use of their nation; and the 
said United States will also cause the sum of one thousand dollars to be paid annually to the said Cherokee nation. 
And the undersigned chiefs and warriors do hereby, for themselves and the whole Cherokee nation, their heirs and 
descendants, for the considerations abovementioned, release, quit claim, relinquish, and cede, all the land to the 
right of the line described, and beginning as atbresaid. 

Art. 5. It is stipulated and agreed, that the citizens and inhabitants of the United States shall have a free and 
unmolested use of a road from Washington district to Mero district, and of the navigation of the Tennessee river. 

Art. 6. It is agreed, on the part of the Cherokees, that the United States shall have the sole and exclusive right 
of regulating their trade. 

Art. 7. The United States solemnly guaranty to the Cherokee nation, all their lands not hereby ceded. 

Art. 8. If any citizen of the United States, or other person, not being an Indian, shall settle on any of the 
Cherokees' lands, such person shall forfeit the protection of the United Stages; and the Cherokees may punish him or 
not, as they please. 

Art. 9. No citizen or inhabitant of the United States shall attempt tolmnt or destroy the game on the lands 
of the Cherokees; nor shall any citizen or inhabitant go into the Cherokee countiy, without a passport first obtained 
from the Governor of some one of the United States, or territorial districts, or such other person as the President 
of the United States may, from time to time, authorize to grant the same. 

Art. 10. If any Cherokee Indian or Indians, or person residing among them, or who shall take refuge in their 
nation, shall steal a horse from, or commit a robbery or murder, or other capital crime, on, any citizens, or inha- 
bitants of the United States, the Cherokee nation shall be bound to deliver him or them u^p, to be punished accord- 
ing to the laws of the United States. 

Art. 11. If any citizen or inhabitant of the United States, or of either of tlie territorial districts of tlie United 
States, shall go into any town, settlement, or territory, belonging to the Cherokees, and shall there commit any 
crime upon, or trespass against, the person or property of any peaceable and friendly Indian or Indians, which, if 
committed within the jurisdiction of any State, or within the jurisdiction of either of the said districts, against a 
citizen or white inhabitant thereof, would be punishable by the laws of such State or district, such offender or offen- 
ders shall be subject to the same punishment, and shall be proceeded against in the same manner, as if the offence 
had been committed within the jurisdiction of the State or district to which he pr they may belong, against a 
citizen or white inhabitant thereof. 

Art. 1 2. In case of violence on the persons or property of the individuals of either party, neither retaliation 
nor reprisal shall be committed by the other, until satisfaction shall have been demanded of the party of which the 
aggressor is, and shall have been refused. 

Art. 13 The Cherokees shall give notice to the citizens of the United States of any designs which they may 
know or suspect to be formed in any neighboring tribe, or by any person whatever, against tlie peace and interest of 
the United States. _- 

(1 & 2) These, with other papers, were transmitted to Congi-ess, on the 11th January, 1792. Vide No. 23. 



1791] THE CHEROKEES, SIX NATIONS, AND CREEKS. 125 

Art. 14. That the Cherokee nation may be led to a greater degree of civilization, and to become herdsmen and 
cultivators, instead of remaining in a state of hunters, the United States will, from time to time, furnish gratuitously 
the said nation with useful implements of husbandry. And further, to assist the said nation in so desirable a pur- 
suit, and at the same time to establish a certain mode of communication, the United States will send such, and so 
many, persons to reside in said nation, as they may judge proper, and not exceeding four in number, who shall qualify 
themselves to act as interpreters. These persons shall have lands assigned them by the Cherokees for cultivation, 
for themselves and their successors in office; but they shall be precluded exercising any kind of traffic. 

Art. 15. All animosities for past grievances shall henceforth cease; and the contracting parties will carry the 
foregoing treaty into full execution, with all good faith and sincerity. 

Art. 16. This treaty shall take effect and be obligatory on the contracting parties, as soon as the same shall 
have been ratified by the President of the United States with the advice and consent of the Senate of the United 
States. 

In witness of all and every thing herein determined, between the United States of America and the whole 
Cherokee nation, the parties have hereunto set their hands and seals, at the treaty ground on the bank of the 
•Holston, near the mouth of the French Broad, within the United States, this second day of July, in the year 
of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and ninety -one. 

WILLIAM BLOUNT, 

^ - ' " . Governor in and over the territory of the United States of America, south of the river Ohio, 

andSuperintendent of Indian affairs for the Southern district. 

[Signed by forty-one of the chiefs and warriors of the Cherokee nation of Indians. ] 



Extracts from a letter from the Secretary of War to Major Richard Call, commanding officer of the troops of the 

United States posted in the State of Georgia, dated the 25th of May, 1791. 
Sir: 

I request that you will immediately take the proper arrangements for transporting such parts of Burbeck's 
and Savage's companies as are fit for the service, and can with propriety be detached from their respective stations, 
to the Rock Landmg, or sucli other place of the Oconee as shall be healthv and proper to collect the troops at, for 
the purposeT)f markmg the line, next October, mentioned in tJie treaty of tne Creeks. 

The contractors must furnish the provisions, and they must also furnish the wagons to transport the baggage of 
Smith and Burbeck's companies to the Rock Landing, and thence, with a detachment of Savage's, and all Ru- 
dolph's recruits, along the Tine described in the' treaty. 

You will notify his Excellency the Governor of Georgia of the time the troops will be assembled, and the 
purpose for which they are designed, and request him, if he shall jutlge proper, to notify three of the citizens of 
Georgia to attend the running of the line according to the treaty; and you will, also, in due season, transmit the 
same Information to Mr, McGdlivray, and request him to send the three Creek Chiefs to attend the running the line 
as stipulated by the treaty. 



Extracts from a letter to the same officer, dated the I3th of July, 179\. 

It is a circumstance of great importance, that the force of the United States, in Georgia, should be directed 
with the highest prudence and circumspection. 

The great object of their continuance in that State, since the treaty with the Creeks, is to preserve the peace 
by conciliating to each other the Creeks and the frontier citizens of that State, and by being posted so as to afford a 
real security to those settlers, who had been driven by hostilities from their possessions. 

While, therefore, every effectual measure shoulil be adopted for the entire security of the troops beyond the 
possibility of surprise or contingency, and also for the protection of the country, all hostile parade or threatening 
appearances are to be avoided. On the contrary, the most cordial conduct is to be observed to all well-behaved and 
friendly Indians. And as on this head some expenses will be necessarily incurred, an account is to be kept thereof, 
and all that is reasonable and just shall be paid, on being previously audited in this depaitment. 

You will also transmit to this office regular information, with the returns of all occurrences to the troops under 
your command; and upon any extraordinary cases, you are to take such measures as shall relate to the defence of 
the troops, or the immedifite protection of the country. But you are carefully to avoid every step which may involve 
die Union in hostilities with tne Indians. 

... ■. -'-m 



' • ' ' . War Department, Slst May, 1791. 

Instructions to John ffeth, cm Ensign in the first .American regiment. 
Sir: • • ' 

Reposing special trust and confidence in your prudence, fidelity, and industry, I hereby authorize and instruct 
you in the objects herein specified, in pursuance of powers vested in me for that purpose, by the President of the 
United "States. 

You have herewith delivered to you, a letter to Brigadier General McGillivray, the beloved chief of the Creek 
nation of Indians, and also, the sum of two thousand nine hundred dollars, with which you are to proceed to the '' 
said ('reek nation of Indians. 

The letter addressed to Brigadier General McGillivray, which ycu have perused, will point out the objects of 
your mission, which are — 

1st. To be the bearer of the sums, which, by treaty, the United States are annually to pay to the Creek nation 
and its chiefs. • . M 

2dly. To impress upon Mr. McGillivray, by the most conciliating methods, the necessity of the Creeks delivering* 
up all prisoners, whether whites or negroes, agreeably to the treaty. " 

3dly.- To impress upon him the necessity of his appointing the three old Creek chiefs, agreeably to the treaty, to 
attend at the Rock Landing, on the Oconee, on the first day of October, in order to run the boundary line agreeably 
to the treaty, an authentic copy of which you have herewitn delivered to you. 

And, in order that you may have sufficient time to render yourself acceptable to Brigadier General McGillivray, 
so as to accomplish the objects of your mission, you are hereby directed to stay in the Creek nation witli him until 
the first of October next, at which time you will take your departure, and return to this city. 

As your objects will be conciliation, you will embrace every opportunity or means whicn may present itself, for 
that purpose. You will, of course avoid every thing of an irritating nature. 

You will soon perceive that Brigadier General McGillivray is the soul of the Creek nation, and that, by cultivating 
his esteem, you will succeed with the rest. 

Omit no opportunity of speaking of the cordial Aiews of the General Government towards the Indians, and how 
much it desires to impart to them the blessings of civilization. 

Consult Mr. McGillivray on tliis point, and obtain from him, in writing, his opinion, how this important object 
can be best effected. « 

17 • '■ 



/ 
/ 



126 INDIAN AFFAIRS. '^ DfSI. 

Let him know the preparations that are making for the campaign; but that they are solely destined for the object 
of peace. That the Government has taken every nieasure to place before the Wabash, and other hostile Indians, 
their true situation, and that the United States require nothing of the Indians inconsistent with justice and humanity. 
That, if they will be quiet, the General Government will protect them in their just rights against all lawless white 
adventurers. 

That the United States disapprove entirely of the projected settlements upon the Mississippi and Tennessee 
y lands, by a number of adventurers under the Yazoo companies, who purchased of the State of Georgia the pre- 
emptive right. 

Vou have herewith delivered the evidence of this disapprobation, being two proclamations of the President of the 
United States upon the subject. 

Assure Mr. McGillivray, that, if the said companies proceed, in defiance of the said proclamations, to make their 
threatened settlements, they will be considered, to all intents and purposes, entirely without the protection of the 
United States. 

You will obtain the money in gold at Baltimore, by virtue of treasury warrants which the paymaster has delivered 
to you. This money you will deliver to Mr. McGillivray, taking triplicate receipts on the accounts herewith given 
yiju, all of which you are, upon your return, to deliver to tlie paymaster. 

. You will proceed, by the way of Richmond, to the territory of the United States south of the Ohio. I herewith 
deliver you a letter to Governor Blount, who will provide you a guide and an escort of some faithful Cherokees, to 
Brigadier General McGillivray. 

The paymaster has also delivered you the further sum of five hundred dollars. This sum is to defray your 
necessary expenses during your absence. You will keep an exact account of such expenses, supported in all prac- 
ticable cases with accurate vouchers. 

And in order that you should explicitly understand the compensation you shall receive for the services herein 
specified, it is hereby stipulated that your reasonable expenses shall be borne during your absence, and that the com- 
pensation for your services shall be at the rate of two dollars per day, including your pay and subsistence as an 
ensign, and that your rank shall be preserved to you. 

The business with which you are charged, is confidential and honorable. Upon the due execution of it, will, in 
some degree, depend your future political expectations. 

You will keep your business a secret, and communicate it only to Governor Blount. 

You will write me on all safe occasions, and inform me of your progress. Besides the letter to Governor Blount, 
I deliver you one for General Sevier, which it is important he should receive. 

You may return the way you think most proper, either by the Holston or Georgia, and from thence by water. 
Wishing you a pleasant journey, and all prosperity, 1 am, sir, with esteem, your humble servant, 

H. KNOX, Secretary of War. V 
Ensign John Heth. " 



Letter from the Secretary of War to Brigadier General McGillivray. 

. . . _ - War Department, 31*/ Miy, 1791. 

Sir: ' \ • " " '" ' 

I received your letter by Mr. Swan, who arrived here in March last. I should have replied to it immediately, 
had a safe opportunity occurred. I have been seeking for a proper character to send to you upon the business 
mentioned in this letter, but 1 have not been able to procure one until this time. 

The bearer, Ensign John Heth. I introduce to you as a gentleman well worthy of your confidence and esteem, 
and I am persuaded you will show him all the kindness which his situation may require, and yours admits. 

The treaty made between the United States and the Creek nation, being founded on principles of mutual advan- 
tage, ought to be inviolably observed on both sides. It is, therefore, unfortunate, that any events should happen 
to cloud or interrupt that harmony which ought to prevail. The murder of the Cussetah, by some lawless whitesj 
,; before your return, and the revenge taken for the same, after your return, were both wrong, and circumstances 
' from which excessive evil might have arisen. 

Whenever parties assume to be judges and executioners in their own cause, the justice of the decision maybe 
justly questioned, independent of the political evils flowing from the measure. 

For any mischiefs committed against the treaty by the whites, complaint ought to be made to the President of 
the United States, whose power is competent to render satisfaction for the injury. If revenge shall be taken for 
any real or supposed injury by the Indians, unless the previous necessary statements are made to the supreme 
authority, all the arrangements for peace whicli have been made, may be broken up, and unlimited confusion ensue. 

That you are fully impressed with the immense benefits to the Creeks, from an entire pacification and friend- 
sliip with the United States, there can be no doubt. This conviction brought you from your own country to New 
York, influenced your conduct tliere, and, I am persuaded, pervades your reflections at this time. 

Your perceptions are too good for you not to see the ruinous effects of suffering the Creeks to exercise an indis- 
criminate revenge. As, therefore, you value tlie preservation of the treaty, and friendship of the United States, 
prevent every conduct on the part of the Creeks which would tend to interrupt the system of cordial intercourse, 
the foundations of which were so happily laid in the treaty. 

Inculcate on all the chiefs, the purity, humanity, and justice, of the system towards the Indians, adopted by the 
President of the United States and the General Government. 

Remember that the time has arrived that all the prisoners in the nation are to be given up, and that it is of the 
higliest importance that this measure be faithfully fulfilled in all respects, and that there be no cause of coiriplaint. 

I have forwarded by Mr. Heth, the sum of two thousand nine hundred dollars, which will complete the sums 
stipulated by the treaty of the seventh of August, agreeably to the enclosed schedule. You will receipt for these 
sums in the manner pointed out in tiie enclosed. 

A proper distribution of this money will enable you to recover all the prisoners, whether whites or negroes. On 

a punctual and entire compliance with the treaty, in tlie restoration of the prisoners, every thing will depend. I 

know they are not many. But, if a single person, black or white, should be kept back, it will be considered as a 

violation of the treaty, and a germ productive of abundant evil. 

)L You will remember that, on tlie first of October, the boundary is to be marked according to tlie treaty. The 

Tresident of the United States has made choice of an able and impartial surveyor to execute tliis business, and I 

.-have' directed the troops to be in readiness at the Rock Landing to accompany him, and to run the line as specified 

in the treaty. 

I earnestly request that you will have three discreet chiefs, whom you shall have previously and perfectly 
instructed upon the subject of the boundary, so that there be neither delay or mistake in the affair. 

I have instructed Major Call,tiie comitianding oflicer of the troops, to write to the Governor of Georgia to choose 
and direct three surveyors of their State to be present at running the boundary, besides which, I shall, upon the 
return of the President of the United States, write particularly to the Governor upon the subject. 

I am, &c. 

H. KNOX. 



1791.] 



THE CHEROKEES, SIX NATIONS, AND CREEKS. 



127 



Tht United States of America in account current with Mexander McGillivray, and the Creek nation, from the 

7 th of August, 1790, to the 7 th of August, 1791. 



Dr. 

1791 
Aug. 



, ■ • . • 

7th. To an annuity to the Creek nation, 
agreeably to the fourth article of tlie 
treaty of peace, dated the 7th Aug. 
1790, and ratified by the President 
of the United States of America, the 
15th day of August, 1790, 
To an annual allowance, at 100 dol- 
lars, to each of the following chiefs: 
The chief of Oakfuskees, - 
The chief of the Tuckabatches, - 
The present Tallasse King of the 
, Halfway-house, 

The chief of the Cussetahs, 
The chief of the Cowetas, - 
The chief of the Micasukee, 
To Brigadier General A. McGillivray, 
his salary as agent of the United 
States, at the rate of $1,200 per 

annum, 

To salary of two Interpreters, at the 
rate of S200 per annum, 



1,500 



100 
100 

100 
100 
100 
100 



1,200 
400 



$3,700 



1790, 
Aug. 18th. 



1791, 
May 31st. 



;-. -. Cr. 

By so much paid A. McGillivray, 

agreeably to his receipt, - - 600 
By so much to Joseph Connell, inter- 
preter, agreeably to his receipt, - 200 

By balance due on the 7th of August, 
1791, transmitted this day by En- 
sign John Heth, - - ' - - 2,900 



$3,700 



Received from the United States of America, by the hands of John Heth, i\\& sum of two thousand nine hundred 
dollars, being the balance of the above account, for which I have signed triplicate receipts of one tenor. 



Extract of a letter from the Secretary of War to Governor Blount, dated 5\st May, 1791. ' • 

This letter will be delivered to you by Mr. John Heth, who is sent to the Creeks for the purposes contained 
in his instructions, which he will communicate to you. 

I request that you would provide Mr. Heth guides, and a party of friendly and faithful Cherokees, to escort 
him to Mr. McGillivray. 



The Secretary of War to the Governor of Georgia. 



Sir: 



War Department, 13th July, 1791. 



Yesterday I received your Excellency's letter of the sixth of the last month, containing four papers, from No. 1 
to 4, relative to some recent discussions with the Creeks, all of which have been submitted to the President of the 
United States. 

I am commanded to inform you that the President of the United States, judging from the information which you 
have transmitted, conceives that it would have been improper to have complied with the request of the four Creeks, 
as expressed in their message of the eighteenth of May last. 

But, at the same time, it is his earnest desire that every possible measure should be taken to avert the evil conse- 
(juences which may arise from this refusal. 

The President of the United States considers it unnecessary to reiterate the considerations which press for a 
full and entire pacification with the Creeks, and all the other Southern Indians; he is persuaded that your Excellency, 
and all the citizens of Georgia, will concur in promoting the general interests of the United States in this respect. 

I am further commanded to inform you, that Mr. Heth, a military officer of the United States, is now, probably, 
with Mr. McGillivray, to urge the delivery of the prisoners, and the marking the boundary, next October, agreeably to 
the treaty with the Creeks. I have also the honor to transmit you a copy of a letter to Mr. McGillivray, on the 
late event; duplicates of which are forwarded by Governor Blount, and the other by the Rock Landing. 

Your Excellency will please to observe, by adverting to the Creek treaty, that the boundaries therem described, 
were to be ascertained by an able surveyor, on the part of the United States, assisted by three old citizens of Georgia, 
who may be appointed by the Governor of the said State, and three old Creek chiels, to be appointed by the said 
nation, 

Mr. Andrew Ellicott has been appointed surveyor for this purpose, and the President of the United States has 
directed me to request your Excellency to appoint three citizens of the State of Georgia, of the description before 
mentioned, to assist in ascertaining said boundary. * 

I have directed the commanding officer in Georgia to assemble the troops duly for the above purpose, and to 
notify your Excellencv thereof. I hiave the honor, &c. 

U. }iiM)X, Secretary of War. 



Letter from the Secretary of War to Brigadier General McGillivray. 



Sir: 



War Department, I5th July, 1791. 



His Excellency the Governor of Georgia has transmitted to the President of the United States, the papers 
herein enclosed, relative to some recent discussions with part of the Creeks. 

The message of the Lower Creeks, of the eighteenth of May, to the Governor, appears to have been formed and 
transmitted \vithout any agency of yours. 

The President of the United States persuades himself, that, had you been consulted on this occasion, the 
message Avould have been of a different aspect. But, as the affair stands, that you will exercise your influence to 
prevent every measure, on the part of the Creeks, which would have the complexion of retaliation. 

AVhile the stealing of horses from the citizens of the United States must be reprobated by you and every other 
well intentioned member of the Creek nation, you cannot be uninformed that an act so atrocious merits high and 
prompt punishment, when committed by one white against another, and that, therefore, the Creek who was killed, 
must be considered as bringing his own punishment upon himself. 

It is of the utmost consequence that so nefarious a practice should be discountenanced by all the well-disposed 
part ot the Creeks; and that, when punishment is inflicted, as in the case herein allud,ed to, such characters 
should openly and avowedly approve thereof. -. 



128 INDIAN AFFAIRS. [1791. 

The President of the United States is most sincerely desirous, that the treaty with the Creeks should not only 
be fully executed in all its parts, but that it should be the ground work of a more intimate union, and the means of 
farther happiness to the IncTians. He therefore views,' with concern, any event which has a tendency to a breach of 
the peace so happily established. • 

Notwithstanding it may be concluded that the death of the Indian was the consequence of his own unjustifiable 
conduct, yet, perhaps, it may be proper, in a degree, to pay regard to the habits of the Indians, on such an event. 

It has been understood, that, among the Indian nations, when one Indian kills another, the offence is not con- 
sidered so much a public as a private evil, for which the family of the deceased is bound to obtain satisfaction. That 
/ ' this satisfaction is various, sometimes by blood, and at others, by pecuniary considerations; if this idea is just, the 
■ i-J 1 family of the Indian who was killed may perhaps be satisfied with some pecuniary compensation. 

\ In this case, therefore, to prevent the personal and national evils arising from indiscriminate retaliation, the 

\ President of the United States desires tliat you would make such reasonable compensation to said family, as you 
may judge proper, and to inform me thereof; and immediate disbursement shall be made to your order. 

It is to be hoped that Mr. Heth, who was sent to you on the thirty -first of M^y, has safely arrived. But, lest it 
should be otherwise, I enclose a copy of the letter of which he was the bearer. 

I am, sir, &c. 
Brigadier General Alex. McGillivray. ' " H. KNOX, Secretary of War. • 



Instructions to Joseph Ellicott, Esq. 

"■ . , War Department, 8<A iSep/emfter, 1791. 

Sir: ' 

Your brother, Andrew Ellicott, having been appointed by the President of the United States to run the boun- 
dary line between the United States and the Creek nation of Indians, agreeably to the treaty made at New York, 
August 7th, 1790, but he being prevented setting out on this, by other public emplo3Tnent, and you having been 
deputed by him to commence this business, and the same having been approved by the President of the IJnited 
States, you will accordingly depart hence, with all expedition, to Richmond, in Virginia, and from thence, by the 
most direct route, to Augusta, and the Rock Landing, in the State of Georgia. 

When you shall arrive at the Rock Landing, you will immediately proceed to run the line up the south branch 
of the Oconee; by the time you shall have finished which, it is presumed your brother will have joined you; but, if 
he. should be prevented, you will proceed to run the line to the Currahee mountain, and the continuance thereof, as 
stated in the treaty. 

You will endeavor to obtain the best documents and maps of the old surveys, and the fullest information from 
oral testimony, whether from whites or Indians, in order that the business may be well and truly executed. 

You will mark the line by means of the troops, as described in the treaty, and report to me, from time to time, 
your progress. If there should be any impediment in the prosecution of this service, you will, without delay, let 
me know the nature thereof, and the means of removing the objections. 

You have, herewith, delivered to you, letters for Governor Telfair, Brigadier General McGillivray, Major Call, 
commanding officer at the Rock Landing, and the contractors who are to furnish the supplies of provisions. 

The paymaster, Mr. Howell, has furnished you with one thousand dollars in advatice, toi defray the expenses 
of this business, for which you are held accountable. 

..-,N, ,..;■,.. -. V. •,'.»>. Ml'; s>'.\ ,. 1 am, sir, &c. ■ ■ 

Mr. Joseph Ellicott. ' • / jj KNOX, Secretary of War. 



Letter from the Secretary of War to Messrs. Spear and McLeod, Contractors. 

War Department, September 8, 1791. 
Gentlemen: 

I request that you \rill furnish Mr. Ellicott, the surveyor, and his attendants, with provisions, to enable 
him to run the boundary line between the United States and the Creek nation, agreeably to the treaty. You will 
keep a separate account of the supplies with which you shall furnish him, and procure regular vouchers of their 
delivery. 

Messrs. Spear and McLeod. H. KNOX, Secretary of War. 



Letter from the Secretary qf War to Major Richard Call. 

War Department, 5'ep<c/n6er 8, 1791. 
Sir: 

The bearer, Mr. Joseph Ellicott, brother to Andiew Ellicott, Esq. who is appointed by the President of the 
United States to run the boundary line between the United States and the Creek Indians, agreeably to the ti-eaty, 
is deputed, with the approbation of the President, to commence the running of the line up the south branch of the 
Oconee, and from thence to the Currahee mountain; and to continue tlie survey until the arrival of his brother, wiio 
is detained a few days on public business. 

As it is contemplated that the troops should run and mark the line, you are hereby directed to aftbrd Mr. Ellicott 
every aid of which you and the troops are capable. • 

I am, sir, &c. 
Major Richard Call, Georgia. . H. KNOX, Secretary of War. 



Letter from the Secretary of War to the Governor pf Georgia. 

War Department, •S'ep/ernier 8, 1791. 
Sir: 

I have the honor to inform you, that Andrew Ellicott, Esq. has been appointed, by the President of the United 
States, to run the boundary line between the United States and the Creek nation of Indians, agreeably to tlie treaty 
of the 7th of August, 1790, but that he is prevented by other public business from attending this duty immediately. 
But he has, with the approbation of the President of the IJnited States, appointed his brother, Joseph Ellicott, the 
bearer, to commence the business, and proceed to run the line up the south branch of the Oconee, and to continue 
the business until his brother shall join him, who is detained a few days on public service. 

I wrote to your Excellency on the 13th of July, duplicates of which were transmitted, informing, that the troops 
in Georgia had been ordered to assemble for this object. 

I am persuaded your Excellency will have directed such citizens ef Georgia as are mentioned in the treaty to 
be in readiness to accompany the surveyor; and it is much desired that there be no sort of impediment to the imme- 
diate establishment of the boundary. 

I have the honor to be, your Excellency's, &c. &.c. 

To the Governor of Georgia. H. KNOX, Secretary of War. 



1^91.] THE WABASH INDIANS. 129 

. • Letter from the Secretary of War to Brigadier General McGiUivray. 

War Department, <S'ep/e??i6er 8, 1791. 

Sir: 

Agreeably to mv letter by Mr. Heth, of the 31st May last, duplicates of which were transmitted, I have the 
honor to inform you, that Andrew Ellicott, Esq. has been appointed by the President of the United States, to run 
the boundary line between the United States and the Creek nation of Indians, agreeably to the treaty of the 7th of 
August, 1790; but being prevented from setting out on this business in the first instance, he has appointed his brother, 
Joseph Ellicott, the bearer, with the express approbation of the President, to commence the operation; and to run 
the line up the south branch of the Oconee, and thence to continue tlie hne to the CuiTahee mountain, until his 
brother shall join him, who is detained a few weeks on public service. 

As the establishment of the line, according to the treaty, is a matter of the highest importance to prevent future 
dissensions, it is relied upon with confidence, that you, and all the well-disposed part of the Creeks, will give every 
facility to the measure. 

The President of the United States directs me to express his firm expectations, that the Creek nation will take 
every opportunity to carry the treaty into effect — a measure with which their happiness, and the tran(|uillity of the 
soutnwestern frontiers are intimately blended. ' 

I am, sir, &c. 
, Brigadier General McGiLLivRAY. . " H. ]L'^0\, Secretary of War. 



2d Congress.] . • . ]Vo. 20. [1st Session. 



• . WABASH INDIANS. 

' •" ' ' * ■ . ■ 

■ ' COMMUNICATED TO CONGRESS, OCTOBER 27j 1791. 

Gentlemen of the Senate 

and of the House of Representatii^es: ' ■ ' 

I have directed the Secretary of War to lay before you, for your information, the reports of Brigadier General 
Scott and Lieutenant Colonel-commandant Wilkinson, the officers who commanded the two expeditions against 
the Wabash Indians, in the months of June and August last; together with the instructions, by virtue of which 
the said expeditions were undertaken. When the operations now depending shall be terminated, tne reports relative 
thereto shall also be laid before you . 

GEO. WASHINGTON. 
United States, 27ih October, 1791. 



Instructions to Brigadier General Charles Scott, dated 9th March, 1791. 
Sir: 

The issue and consequent effect of the expedition against the Miami towns, and the situation of affairs between 
the United States and the Wabash, and other hostile Indians, northwest of the Ohio, are well known to you, and the 
inhabitants of Kentucky, 2;enerally. 

The President of the United States, in order that pro^ ision should be made for the protection of the frontiers, 
adequate to the occasion, laid before the Legislature a full statement of the recent Indian depredations. 
The result of the deliberations of Congress will be communicated to you by the honorable Mr. Brown. 
It would afford high satisfaction to the President of the United States, could a firm peace be established, with- 
out further eff'usion of blood; and, although he conceives the sacred principles of humanity, and a regard to the wel- 
fare of the country, dictate that he should take every proper arrangement to bring the deluded Indians to a just 
sense of their situation, yet he is apprehensive that all lenient endeavors will be fruitless. 

He is, therefore, constrained to calculate his ultimate measures, to impress the Indians with a strong conviction 
of the power of the United States, to inflict that degree of punishment which justice may require. 

That, for this purpose, he avails the public of the offers which you and the delegates of Kentucky, and the other 
frontier counties of Virginia, made, by your memorial of the fourth of December last, to combat the Indians 
according to your own modes of warfare. 

It is the result of information, from men of reputation in Indian affairs, that a body of five hundred picked men, 
mounted on good horses, by rapid incursions, would be equal to the assault of any of the Indian towns lying on the 
Wabash river, and that the probability would be highly in favor of surprising and capturing at least a considerable 
number of women and children. 

In this view of the object, and also estimating the consequent impressions such a successful operation would make 
upon the Indians, by demonstrating to them that they were within our reach, and lying at our mercy; and also, 
considering from the before recited memorial and other information, that such an opportunity of acting by themselvas 
in an Indian expedition, would be highly gratifying to the hardy and brave yeoinanr>- of Kentucky; the President 
of the United States hereby authorizes an expedition of the magnitude, and upon the conditions, hereinafter 
described. 

First. The troops for the said expedition to be choice men, voluntarily engaged for the purpose, whose bravery 
and skill could be entirely relied upon; to consist of such numbers, as you, and the persons hereinafter named, 
may think proper; provided the number should not exceed seven hundred and fifty, officers included. But if the 
whole number could not be voluntarily completed with said characters, for the time hereinafter mentioned, then 
you are to obtain the deficiency by draughts of the militia or otherwise, in the manner that you and the persons 
hereinafter named may direct. 

Secondly. The officers of the said expedition to be selected and appointed in the manner that you, Harry Innes, 
the honorable John Brown, Benjamin Logan, and Isaac Shelby, may judge proper. 

Thirdly. The said volunteers or militia are to be mounted on horses, ancl armed and equipped in all respects as 
you, in conjunction aforesaid, may direct; and they are, during the period of their engagements, to be subject to the 
rules and articles of war of the United States. 

Fourthly. That the sole conducting of the said expedition, excepting as hereinafter mentioned, shall be under 
your immediate orders, as brigadier general, provided you accept the same. But if you should decline the com- 
mand, then you and the before mentioned persons are to appoint the commander in the manner you, jointly, or the 
majority of you, may judge proper. 

Fifthly. That the pay to be allowed to the said mounted volunteers or militia, for themselves, horses, provisions, anus, 
and accoutrements, all risks included, (excepting for disability by wounds, in which case the commissioned officers. 



130 ' INDIAN AFFAIRS. [1791. 

non-commissioned officers, and privates, will receive such compensation, in their respective grades, as the law 
provides) will be, for the privates, sixty-six cents and ttvo-thirds of a cent per day, and the pay of the commissioned 
oiBcers added thereto, according to the schedule of the rates herewith enclosed. The principle of this schedule 
involves in the said sixty-six and two-thirds cents, the pay of the privates at three dollars per month, which three 
dollars are deducted from the grades, as they proceed from the privates to the higliest officer. 

Sixthly. The said mounted volunteers are to be engaged as soon as possible, after receiving these instructions, 
so that the expedition may commence from the Ohio by the tenth day of May next. Secrecy in forming, despatch 
in obtaining the men, and celerity in the movement, are indispensable; without which the Indians may be apprised of 
the design, and the consequences may be fatal. The particular point of departure from the Ohio, to be agreed upon with 
the commanding general or officer at Fort Washington; and the said mounted volunteers, of all descriptions, are to 
be mustered by an officer of the regular troops previously to their marching for the Ohio; provided, however, that if 
the commanding general of the troops on the Ohio should, previously to the said tenth day of May, think proper for 
public service to suspend the further operation of the said mounted volunteers, you and they are hereby directed to 
obey him accordingly. 

Seventhly. But, in case no such order should be received from the said commanding officer by the tenth of May 
next, then the said mounted volunteers, or militia, are to proceed to the Wea, or Ouiatanon towns of Indians, there 
to assault the said towns, and the Indians therein, either by surprise, or otherwise, as the nature of the circumstances 
may admit, sparing all who may cease to resist, and capturing as many as possible, particularly women and children. 
And on this point it is the positive orders of the President of the United States, that all such captives be treated with 
humanity; and that they be carried and delivered to the commanding officer of some post of the United States upon 
the Ohio. 

Whether the assault upon the said Wea, or Ouiatanon towns, should succeed or fail, the commanding officer will 
proceed to such other Indian towns or villages, upon the Wabash, or other-place, to the destruction of which, he 
shall judge his force adequate. 

Eighthly. After having effected by surprise, rapid marches, and attacks, all the injury to the Indian enemy to 
which the force shall be equal, the said mounted volunteers, or militia, will return either by the way of Post Vin- 
cennes, or some other post or place on tlie Ohio, which shall be agreed upon with the commanding officer of the troops of 
the United States. At this post, the troops of the said expedition will be again mustered, by an officer of the regular 
troops, in the same manner as when the troops of the said expedition commenced their march from the Ohio. . It is 
expressly stipulated, that any volunteer or mditia man, who shall desert, shall be precluded from all claims for pav 
or emoluments for any services upon the expedition, performed prior to his desertion. That four copies of each 
muster be made out, one to be retained by the mustering officer, another by the commanding officer of each company, 
the third to be delivered to the commanding officer of the party, and a fourth transmittecT by the paymaster of the 
said mounted volunteers, to the War Office of the United States. 

Ninthly. The officers, non-commissioned officers, and privates, of said expedition, shall be allowed the pay of three 
days to repair to the Ohio, and three to return from thence, which six days shall be added to the number of days 
actually employed in the expedition, northwest of the Ohio: and the pay abstracts are to be made out accordingly. 

The commanding officer will, upon his return, make a full report to the commanding general, of all the occurrences 
of the expedition, and also state his opinion at large, and the reasons on which it is founded, of the proper mode of 
chastising the Indians on future occasions. 

As surprise and sudden attacks will be the objects of the expedition, it is presumed that all proper precautions 
will be takenj that each man carry with him a due quantity of provisions. ■ 

Tenthly. Without limiting or impeding tiie effectual operations which may be found praticable, it is presumed, from 
information and the nature ot the supplies, that the mounted volunteers may be employed northwest of the Ohio, 
for a time not exceeding from twenty to tiiirty days. This intimation is clearly to be understood not to prevent the 
execution of any considerable object, should it require an extension of time. You must make an effectual arrange- 
ment with the commanding officer at Fort Washington, for an adequate supply of powder and lead, which is to be 
furnished at the expense of the United States. 

Eleventhly. That the said corps of mounted volunteers, being left entirely free fi-om any restrictions in die 
manner of its executing the objects proposed, its reputation, and the reputation of all concerned, will be involved 
in its being perfectly conducted, and in its ultimate success. 

Twelfthly. In order that the preparations essential to the said expedition should not languish for a want of proper 
provisions, or other essential means, the sum of two thousand dollars has been delivered to the honorable John 
Brown, for the purposes of said expedition. 

This sum is to be placed by you, and the before mentioned persons, or any three of you, in the hands of some 
person of character and known integrity, as paymaster of the said expedition, he giving bonds, with sufficient securi- 
ties, for the faithful appropriation thereof, and all other sums he may receive for the purposes of the said mounted 
volunteers or militia. 

Thirteenthly. But it is to be expressly understood, and it is hereby stipulated, that the said sum, or any part thereof, 
is not to be distributed, until it shall be certain the said expedition is to proceed and be carried into effect, according 
to the orders herein mentioned. In this case, the money is to be distributed in the manner you and the before 
mentioned persons may direct, under your signatures, or any three of you, on the sole.and express condition, that 
the amount thereof shall be deducted trom the pay abstracts for the services of the troops upon the said expedition. 
But if circumstances should prevent the expeclition from proceeding as herein suggested, then the said honorable 
John Brown will cause the said sum of two thousand dollars, without any let or hindrance whatever, to be delivered 
to the orders of the commanding officer of the troops of the United States. 

And it is hereby understood, that the President of the United States authorizes a second operation of the same 
nature as tlie foregoing, provided the major general, or commanding officer of the troops on the Ohio, should judge 
the public interests should require the measure, and should direct the same under his hand and seal, directed to you 
and the persons aforesaid. The said second operation to be directed against such objects on the Wabash, and at 
such time, as the commanding general may direct. It is to be understood, that the first of the said operations may 
take place about the tenth day of May next, and that the second may take place on, or before, the tenth day of June; 
provided, however, that the said second operation shall not exceed five hundred non-commissioned officers and 
privates. 

And if the said commanding general should direct a third expedition, either before or at the time proposed for 
the main expedition, the President of the United States will authorize the expenses thereof, under the restrictions 
contained in the rules for the first and second. 

And in case of a second or third expedition, of the nature herein specified, you and the persons beforementioned, 
or the majority of you, are to appoint the commanding officer and the other officers thereof, in the manner before 
pointed out. 

And if the said three expeditions should take effect, or any of them, and you should command all, or any of 
them, you will be allowed the pay and emoluments of a brigadier general during your actual services. And any other 
officer who may be appointed to the command shall be allowed the pay and emoluments of a lieutenant colonel- 
commandant. 

The President of the United States is well aware of the high trust committed to you, in conjunction with the 
gentlemen aforesaid; but the confidence he reposes in your characters, persuades him you will use the said powers 
For the public benefit at large, wthout regard to local prejudices or local affections. 

|- -, Given under my hand, and tlie seal of the War Office of the United States, this ninth day of March, one 
LL. s. J thousand seven hundred and ninety -one. 

• . H. KNOX, Secretary of War. 

Brigadier General Charles Scott. v ^ .n,-.,, 



J791.] THE WABASH INDIANS. 131 

A Schedule of the expenses of a corps of 760 non-commissioned and privates, mounted volunteers, calculated on a 
scale of thirty days from the point of departure, and allowing three days for repairing to the rendezvous, and 
three days for returning home. 

1 Brigadier General, $4 00^ per day, is, for 36 days, - 

1 Lieutenant Colonel-commandant. 2 56§ . . . . 

2 Majors, - - - - 1 90^ 
10 Captains, - - - - 1 56f . . . - 

10 Lieutenants, - - - 1 30 - - - - - 

10 Ensigns, - - - - 1 16? - - 

• 40 Sergeants, - - - - ZSs - . -• - , - 

720 Privates, - - - - 66f --•-.-. 



War Department, March 9th. 1791. 



$ 144 00 


92 40 


136 80 


564 00 


468 00 


220 00 


1,056 00 


17,260 00 


$19,941 20 



. - . / Report of Brigadier General Scott. ■'■ ' 

; • • ' ' • • Lexington, 28//i June. ] 791 . 

Sis: ■ ' ' 

I have the honor to inform you that the detachpient ol mounted volunteers under my command, authorized 
to be raised by your letter of the '9th of March last, arrived at the mouth of Kentucky on the morning of the 19th 
f)f May, from which time to the 23d, I was employed in transporting the troops across the Ohio river, in having 
them mustered, and in issuing to them provisions and ammunition. The delay at tlie river was greater than I wished, 
yet, I trust, justifiable, as it was, in part, occasioned by the request of General St. Clair, which you will find by 
referring to the extract of his letter, contained in No. 1. 

In prosecution of the enterprise, I marched four miles from the banks of the Ohio, on the 23d; and on the 24th, 
I resumed my march, and pushed forward with the utmost industry, directing my route to Ouiatanon, in the best 
manner my guides and information enabled me. though 1 fouiid myself greatly deficient in both. 

By the 31st I had marched one hundred and thirty -five miles, over a country cut by four large branches of White 
river, and many smaller streams, with steep muddy banks; during this march, I traversed a country alternately 
interspersed with the most luxuriant soil and deep clayey bogs, from one to five miles in width, rendered almost 
impervious by brush and briars. 

Rain fell m torrents every day, with frequent blasts of wind and thunder storms. These obstacles impeded my 
progress, wore down my horses, and destroyed my provisions. 

On the morning of the 1st instant, as the array entered an extensive prairie, I perceived an Indian on horse-back, 
a few miles to the right; I immediately made a detachment to intercept him, but he escaped; finding myself disco 
vered, I determined to advance with allthe rapidity my circumstances would permit, rather with the hope than the 
expectation of reaching the object sought that day: for my guides were strangers to the country wliich I occupied. 
At one o'clock, having marched, by computation, one hundred and fifty-five miles to the Ohio, as I penetrated a 
^rove which bordered on an extensive prairie. I discovered two small villages to my left, at two and four miles 
distance. 

My guides now recognised the ground, and informed me, that the main town was four or five miles in my front, 
behind a point of woods, which jutted into the prairie. I immediately detached Col. John Hardin, with sixty 
mounted infantry, and a troop of light horse under Capt. McCoy, to attack the villages to the left, and moved on 
briskly with my main body in order of battle, towards the town, the smoke froin whicii was discernible. My guides 
were deceived with respect to the situation of the town: for, instead of standing at the edge of the plain, through 
which I marched, I found it in tiie low ground, bordering on tlie Wabash; on turning the point of woods, one house 
presented in mv front; Capt. Price was ordered to assault that, with 40 men. He executed the commancl with great 
gallantry, and killed two warriors. 

When I gained the summit of the eminence which overlooks the villages on the banks of the Wabash, I dis- 
covered the enemy in great confusion, endeavoring lo make their escape over the river ii^canoes; I instantly ordered 
Lieutenant Colonel -commandant Wilkinson to rush forward with the first battalion; the order was executed with 
promptitude, and this defaichment gained the bank of the river just as the rear of the eneiny had embarked, and. 
regardless of a brisk fire kept up from a Kickapoo town, on the opposite bank, they, in a few minutes, by a well 
directed fire from their rifles, destroyed all the savages with which five canoes were crowded. 

To my great mortification, the Wabash was many feet beyond fording at this place; I therefore detached Colonel 
Wilkinson to a ford two miles above, which my guides informed me was more practicable; in No. G, you will find 
his report on that occasion. 

The enemy still kept possession of the Kickapoo town: I determined to dislodge them, and for that purpose 
ordered Captain King's and Logsdon's companies to march down the river below the town, and cross, under the 
conduct of Major Barbee; several of the men swam the river, and otiiers passed in a small canoe. This movement 
was unobserved, and my men had taken post on the bank, before they were discovered by the enemy, who imme- 
diately abandoned the village. About this time word was brought me, that Col. Hardin was incumbered with pri- 
soners, and had discovered a stronger village, further to my left, than those I had observed, which he was proceeding 
to attack. I immediately detached Captain Brown, with his company, to support the Colonel; but the distance being 
six miles»K before the Captain arrived, the business was done, and Colonel Hardin joined me a little before sunset, 
having killed six warriors, and taken fifty-two prisoners. Captain Bull, the warrior . who discovered me in the 
morning, had gained the main town, and given the alarm a short time before me; but the villages to my left weie 
uninformed of my approach, and had no retreat. The next morning, I determined to detach my Lieutenant Colonel- 
commandant, with five hundred men, to destroy the important town of Kethtipecanunk, at the mouth of Eel river, 
eighteen miles from my camp, and on the west side of the Wabash; but, on examination, I discovered my men and 
horses to be crippled, and worn down by a long laborious march, and the active exertions of the preceding day; that 
three hundred and sixty men only, could be found in a capacity to undertake the enterprise, and they prepared to 
march on foot. Colonel Wilkinson marched with this detachment at half after five in the evening, and returned to 
my camp the next day at one o'clock, having marched thirty-six miles in twelve hours, and destroyed the most 
important settlement of the enemy in that quarter of the federal territory. In No. 3, you will find the Colonel's 
report respecting the enterprise. 

Many of the mhabitants of this village wel'e Frencli, and lived in a state of civilization; by the books, letters, 
and other documents, found there, it is evident that place was in close connexion with, and dependent on, Detroit: 
a large quantity of corn, a variety of household goods, peltry, and other articles, were burned with this village, which 
consisted of about seventy houses, many of them well finished. 

Misunderstanding the object of a white flag, which appeared on an eminence opposite to me, in th^ afternoon of 
the first, I liberated an aged squaw, and sent with her a message to the savages, that, if they would come in and 
surrender, their towns ahould be spared, and they should receive good treatment. It was afterwards found, tliat 
this white flag was not intended as a signal of parley, but was placed there to mark the spot where a person oif dis- 
tinction among the Indians, who had died some time before, was interred. On the 4th, I determinetl to discharge 
sixteen of the weakest and most infirm of my prisoners, with a talk to the Wabash tribes, a copy of which you wfll 
find enclosed in No. 4. My motives to this measure were, to rid the army of a heavy incumbrance, to gratify the 



132 '^ INDIAN AFFAIRS. [1791. 



impulsions of humanity, to increase the panic my operations had produced, and, by distracting the councils of the 
enemy, to favor the views of Government; and 1 flatter myself these objects will justify my conduct, and secure the 
approbation of my country. j j. 

On the same day, after having burned the towns and adjacent vulages, and destroyed the growing corn and 
pulse, I began my march for the rapids of Ohio, where I arrived the 14tli inst. without the loss of a single man by 
the enemy, and fave only wounded, having killed thirty-two, chiefly warriors of size and figure, and taken fifty 
eight prisoners. . 

It is witli much pride and pleasure I mention, that no act of inhumanity has marked the conduct of the volun- 
teers of Kentucky on tliis occasion; even the inveterate habit of scalping the dead, ceased to influence. 

I have delivered forty-one prisoners to Captain Asheton, of the 1st United States' regiment, at Fort Steuben, 
for which I have his receipt, as per the enclosed copy in No. 5. 

I sincerely lament that the weather, and the consequences it produced, rendered it impossible for me tocary ter- 
ror and desolation to the head of the Wabash. The corps I had the honor to command was equal to the object, 
but the condition of my horses, and state of my provisions, were insuperable obstacles to my own intentions and the 
wishes of all. .... ... 

It would be invidious to make distinctions m a corps which appeared to be animated with one soul, and where a 
competition for danger and for glory inspired all ranks. 

.1, however, consider it my duty to mention Colonel John Hardin, who, in tlie character of a volunteer without 
commission, had command of iny advanced party, and the direction of my guides from the Ohio river, for the dis- 
cernment, courage, and activity, with which he fulfilled the trust I reposed in him. And I cannot close this letter, 
in justice to the merits of General Wilkinson, who went out my lieutenant colonel -commandant, without acknow- 
ledging my obligations for the faithful discharge of the several duties depending on him, and the able support which 
he gave me in every exigency. ■ 

I have the honor to be, with gi'eat respect, sir, your most obedient servant, 

CHARLES SCOTT, B. G. 
The Honorable Henry Knox, Secretary of fVar. 

■ * . \ , * ' 

' ■ No. 1.' ' '. . ; 

Extract of a letter from Major General St. Clair to Brigadier General Scott, dated 

Fort Washington, May 18<A, 1791. 

I mentioned to you, that I did not wish, at that moment, to press the commencement of your march, but rather 
that a few days should be whiled away, provided it could be done without its being discovered that the delay was an 
affected one. I am sensible that it is a delicate point, and that, if it was discovered, the effect would be either to 
increase, in your troops, an impatience for moving, or to discourage them. The same reasons, however, exist now, as 
at the time I had the pleasure to communicate them, and as you are sensible of the weight of those reasons, I am 
sure of your managing it so as to avoid both these consequences. Without detailing them t9 Colonel Mentges, I 
have requested him not to press the muster, until a distribution has been made of your provisions and ammunition, 
and have mentioned that it was my wish your march should not be taken up before the 24th instant. 

■ ~ • ■ No. 2. _. . • 

• ( OviAiATios, June 2d^l79l—Ao^clock P. M. 

Agreeable to your order, I moved the first battalion up to the ford above this place, but unfortunately found 
it impassable — the low grounds being overflowed three feet, a strong current running among the timber, and the bed 
of the river not in view. Under these circumstances, I considered the attempt unwarantable, because it would 
expose both the men and horses to be drowned, without the smallest probability of succeeding. I have, therefore, 
marched the detachment back to this place, and have the honor to be. 

Sir, your most obedient servant, 

JAMES WILKINSON 
Brigadier General Scott. 

No. 3. . 

Camp Ouitanon, June 3(?, 1791'^! o^clock P. M. 

Sir: ■ •*• '''■'■ ' 

The detachment under my command, destined to attack the village Kethtipecanunk, was put in motion at 
half after five o'clock last evening. Knowing that an enemy, whose chief dependence is in his dexterity as a marks- 
man, and alertness in covering himself behind trees, stumps, and other impediments to fair fight, would not hazard 
an action in the light, I determined to push my march until I approached the vicinity of the villages, where I knew 
the country to be champaigned. I gained my point without a halt, 20 minutes before 1 1 o'clock; lay upon my arms 
until 4 o'clock, and half an hour after, assaulted the town at all quarters. The enemy was vigilant; gave way on 
my approach, and, in canoes, crossed Eel creek, which washed the northeast part of the town; that creek "was not 
fordable; my corps dashed forward with the impetuosity becoming volunteers, and were saluted by the enemy with 
a brisk fire from the opposite side of the creek. Dauntless, they rushed on to the water's edge, uncovered to the 
moccason, and finding il impassable, returned a volley, which so galled and disconcerted their antagonists, that they 
threw away their fire without eftect. In five minutes, the savages were driven from the covering, and fled with pre- 
cipitation. I have three men slighty wounded. At half past five the town was in flames, and at six o'clock I 
commenced my retreat. I want language to do justice to the courage and good conduct of the gentlemen who 
composed my detachment. In neither could they be exceeded by veteran troops. 

I have the honor to be, sir, your most obedient servant, 

JAMES WILKINSON. 
Brigadier General Scott. 

• ■ ' No. 4. 

To the various tribes of the Piankeshaws, and all the nations of Red People, lying on the waters qf the 

Wabash river. 

The sovereign council of the thirteen United States haVe long patiently borne your depredations against their 
settlements on this side of the great mountains, in the hope that you would see your error, and correct it, by enter- 
ing with them into the bonds of amity and lasting peace- Moved by compassion, and pitying your misguided councils, 
they have frequently addressed you on this subject, but without effect; at length, their patience is exhausted, and 
they have stretched forth the arm of power against you ; their mighty sons and chief warriors have at length taken 
up the hatchet; they have penetrated far into your country, to meet your warriors, and punish them for their trarns- 
But you fled before them, and declined the battle, leaving your wives and children to their mercy; they 



1791.] 



THE WABASH INDIANS. 



133 



liave desti-oyed your old town Ouiatanon aiid itfie neighboring ^•illages, and have taken many prisoners. Resting 
here two days, to give you time to collect your stiength, they nave proceeded to your town of Ketlitipiconunciv, but 
you again fled before tliem, and that great town has been destroyed. After giving you this evidence of tlieir po^ver, 
they have stopped their hands, because they are merciful as strong, and they agani indulge the hope, that you will 
come to a sense of your true interest, and determine to make a lasting peace with tiiem and all their children, forever. 
The United States have no desire to destroy the red people, althougli they iiave tlie power; but, should you decline 
this invitation, and pursue your unprovoked hostilities, their strength will again be exerted against you; your \yar- 
riors \vill be slaughtered, your towns and villages ransacked and destroyed, your wives and children earned into 
captivity, and you may be assured that those who escape tiie fury of our mighty chiefs, shall find no resting place 
on this side the great lakes. The warriors of the United States wish not to distress or destroy women and children, or 
old men, and, although policy obliges tliem to retain some in captivity, yet compassion and humanity have induced 
them to set others at liberty, who will deliver you this talk. Those who are cai-ried ofi* will be left in the care of 
our great chiet and \varrior, General St. Clair, near the mouth of Miami and opposite the Licking river, where tliey 
will be treated with immamty and tenderness. If you wish to recover them, repair to that place by the first day of 
July next, determined, with true hearts, to bury the hatchet, and smoke the pipe of peace: they will tiien be restored 
to you, and you may again set down in security at your old towns, and live in peace and happiness, unmolested by 
the children of the United States, who will become your friends and protectors, and will be ready to furnish you 
with all the necessaries you may require. But, should you foolishly persist in your warfare, the sons of war will be 
let loose against you, and the hatchet will never be buried until your country is desolated, and your people humbled 
to the dust 

Given under my hand and seal, at the Ouiatanon town, this 4th day of June, 1791. 

. CHARLES SCOTT, Brigadier General. 



No. 5. 

List of the Indian prisoners taken by the army mider the command of Brigadier Genercd Scott, on the Wabash 
river, at the Ouiatanon town and neighboring villages, June 1st, 1791. 



Mas8-wockcomwoh, Queen in English, 
Wonong-apate, her daughtei-, seventeen years old, 
Kenchestonoquah, 2d daughter, 
Keshequamas-anongwah, prince, 7, 
Cotohemongoquah, '3d daughter, 
Keshockcotoquah, 4th do. 
Puckcontomwoh, cousin to the queen, ■ " 

Collobwoh, her son, 
Kechemataquah, warrior, about 32, 
Katankellocaset, his wife, 
Nepehhequah, his child, a girl, 4, 
Mekehquah, his daughter, 
AVanpingivet, squaw. 
Pegewoh, her daughter, 
Mataquah, son to the last, 
Nokingwahmenah, do. 
Packocockcoset do. 
Equahcong, squaw, 
Cateweah, • ~ 

Kenonesanc, 
' Waughpochke, 
Kanketoquah, squaw, 
Huntechelapelo, . 

• Pamenkishlopelo, 
Nepahkaquah, ^ 

Cataholoquah, 
Wecaupeminche, 
Kechewanpaume, 
Kechemetaquah, 
Mossoolocaset. 
Puckcontomwoh, 

Pakakenong, •■ ■ 

Wahpequagli, 
Kehenackashwoh , 

Onsiongwet, squaw, . , • , 

Wecawpeminah, 
Mecah-cats, 
Pacomequah, 
Taqualanah, 
PacKosequah, 
Machonsackquah, " • 



Thunderstruck. 
Speckled Loon. 
Swift Waves. 
Clear Sky. 
Mermaid. 
Cook Wife, 
Crack Nuts. 

Short Grove, 
^Speckled over. 
Green Willows. 
Old Mother. 
White Face. 
Cat. 
Grove. 
Soft Corn. 
Proper and Talk 
Short Neck. 
What's Here.? 
Deep Moss. 
White Stalk. 

Look Yondei-. 
High-look. 
<ireen Willows. 
Striped Huzzy. 
I^ynn Tree. 
Close Look, 
Bushy Grove. 
Dear Nothing. 
Crack Nuts. 
Trod Ground. 
White Huzzy, 
Gash Hand, 
Yellow Face- 
Roasting Ears. 
Eat AIL 
Muddy Water. 
Grove Man.- 
Pretty Girl. 
Beaver Girl. 



■ • ■ ' . . Fort Steuben, Jzme 15<A, 179L 

Received of Brigadier General Charles Scott, the above named Indian prisoners, in number forty-one. 

■ . • ■ • JOS. ASHETON, Captain Ist U. & Rtg't. 



Lieut. Colonel- commandant Ifllkinson's Report. 



Sir: 



Frankfort on Y>.-E.vn:vcVi\,' August 24, 17^1. 



_ Having carried into complete eifect the enterprise which you were pleased to direct against a I'Anguille and 
navmg done the savages every other damage on the Wabash, to which I conceived mi " ' , • ' - 



t- , ~ , w^ --1 -, 1 ^ ' my force adequate, I embrace the 

tirst moment's recess trom active duty, to detaU to your Excellency the operations of tiie expedition entrusted to mv 
conduct. •' 

I left the neighborhood of fort Washington, on the 1st instant, at one o'clock, and agreeably to my original 
plan, temted boldly at the Miami villages, by the most direct course the nature of the ground, over which I had to 
march, would permit; I persevered in this plan, until the morning of the 4th inst. and thereby avoided the hunting 
^ound of the enemy, and the paths which lead ilirect from White river to the Wabash, leaving the head waters of 
the first to my left; I then being about 70 mdes advanced of Fort Washington, turned northwest; I made no dis- 
covery until the 5th, about nine o'clock A. M. when I crossed three much frequented paths, within two miles of 
18 * 



[34 - INDIAN AFFAIRS. [1791. 



vj 



each other, and all bearing east of north; my guides were urgent for me to follow these paths, which betrayed then- 
ignorance of the country, and convinced me I had to depend on my own judgment only. In the afternoon of that day 
I was obliged to cross a deep bog, which injured several of my horses exceedingly, and a few miles beyond, I struck 
a path bearing north by west, marked by the recent footsteps of five or six savages. My guides renewed their appli- 
cation to me to follow this path, but I pursued my course, which had been north 60 west, since 2 o'clock. I had 
not got clear of my encampment next morning, before my advance reported an impassable bog in my front, extend- 
ing several miles on either hand, and the guides asserted that the whole country, to the Wabash, was cut by such 
bogs, and that it would be impossible for me to proceed, unless I followed the Indian paths, which avoided these 
bogs, or led through them at places where they were least difficult. Although I paid little regard to this information , as 
delay was dangerous, and every thing depended on the preservation of my hoi-ses, I determined to turn to the right, and 
fall into the path I had passed the evening before, which varied in its course horn north by M'est to northeast. The 
country had now become pondy in every direction; I therefore resolved to pursue this path until noon, in the hope 
that it would conduct me to better ground, or to some devious trace, which might lead to the object sought. 
At seven o'clock I crossed an east branch of Calumet river, about 40 yards wide, and about noon my advanced 
guard fired on a small party of warriors, and took a prisoner; the rest ran oft" to the eastward. I halted about a mile 
beyond the spot where this aftair happened, and on examining the prisoner, found iiim to be a Delaware, living near tlie 
site of the late Miami village, which he informed me was about 30 miles distant; I immediately retrograded four miles, 
and filed oft" by the right over some rising ground, which 1 had observed between the east branch of Calumet river, 
and a creek four or five miles advance of it, taking my course north 60 west. This measure fortunately 
extricated me from the bogs and ponds, nnd soon placed me on firm ground; late in the afternoon, I crossed one 
path running from north to south, and shortly after fell into another, varying from northwest to north by west; I pursued 
this about two miles, when I encamped; but finding it still inclined northward, I determined to abandon it in the 
morning I resumed my march on the 6th, at "4 o'clock, the Calumet being to the westward of me; I was fearful I 
should strike the Wabash too high up, and perhaps fall in with the small town which you mentioned to me, at the 
mouth of the former river; I tiierefore steered a due west course, and at 6 o'clock A. M. crossed a road much used, 
both by horse and foot, bearing due north. I now knew that I was near a Shawanese village, generally supposed to 
be on the waters of White river, but actually on tliose of the Calumet, and was sensible that every thing depended 
on the celerity and silence of my movements, as my real object had become manitest. I therefore pushed my march 
vigorously, leaving an officer and 20 men in ambush, to watch the road, in order to intercept or beat off any party 
of the enemy which might be casually passing that way, and thereby prevent, as long as possible, the discovery of 
my real intentions. At eight o'clock I recrossed Calumet river, now eighty yards wide, and running down N. N. W. 
and pursuing my course, 1 crossed one path near the western bank of the river, taking the same course, and at six 
miles distance another, bearing to the northeast. I was now sensible, from my reckoning, compared with my own 
observations during the late expedition under General Scott, and the information received from your Excellency and 
others, that I could not be very distant from a I'Anguille. The party left at the road soon fell m with four warriors 
encamped half a mile from the right of my line of march; killed one, and drove the others to the northward. 
My situation had now become extremely critical, the whole country to the north being in alarm, which made me 
greatly anxious to continue my march during the night; but I had no path to direct me, and it was impossible to keep 
my course, or for horsemen to march through a thick swampy country in utter darkness. I quitted my camp on the 
7th, as soon as I could see my way, crossed one path at three miles distance, bearing northeast, and at seven miles 
I fell into another, very much used, bearing northwest by north, which I at once adopted, as the direct route to my 
object, and pushed forward with the utmost despatch; I halted at twelve o'clock to refresh the horses, and examine 
the men's arms and ammunition, marched again at half after one, and at htteen minutes before five I struck the 
Wabash, about one and a half leagues above the mouth of Eel river, being the very spot for which I had aimed 
from the commencement of my march. I crossed the river, and following the path a north by east course, at 
the distance of two and a half miles, my reconnoitering party announced Eel river in front, and the town on the 
opposite bank. I dismounted, ran forward, and examined the situation of the town as far as was practicable, with- 
out exposing myself; but the whole face of the country, from the Wabash to the margin of Eel river, being a con- 
tinued thicket of brambles, black jacks, weeds and shrubs of dift'erent kinds, it was iinposible for me to get a satis- 
factory view, without endangering a discovery. I immediately determined to post two companies on the bank of 
the river, opposite to the town, and above the ground I then occupied, to make a detour with Major Caldwell and 
the second battalion, until I fell into the Miami trace, and by that route to cross the river above, and gain the rear 
of the town and to leave directions with major McDowell, who commanded the first battalion, to lie perdue until 
I commenced the attack, then to dash through the river with his corps and the advanced guard, and assault the 
houses in front, and upon the left. In the moment I was about to put this arrangement into execution, word was 
brought me that the enemy had taken the alarm, and were flying; I instantly ordered a general charge, which 
was obeyed with alacrity; the men, forcing tlieir way over every obstacle, plunged through the river with vast 
intrepidity. The enemy was unable to make the smallest resistance. Six \varriors, (and in the hurry and confusion 
of the charge) two squaws, and a child, were killed, thirty-four prisoners were taken, and an unfortunate captive 
released, with the loss of two men killed and one wounded. I found this town scattered along Eel river for full 
three miles, on an uneven, scrubby oak barren, intersected alternately by bogs almost impassable, and impervious 
thickets of plum, hazle, and black jacks; notwithstanding these difficulties, if I may credit the report of the prison- 
ers, very few who were in town escaped. Expecting a second expedition, their goods were gena-ally packed up and 
buried. Sixty warriors had crossed the Wabash, to ^vatch the paths leading from the Ohio The head chief, with 
all the prisoners and a number of families, was out digging a root which tliey substitute in the place of the potato; 
and about one hour before my arrival, all tlie warriors, except eight, had inounted their horses, and rode up the nver, 
tea French store, to purchase ammunition: this ammunition had arrived from tlie Miami village that very day, and the 
sauaws informed me was stored about two miles from the town. I detached Major Caldwell in quest of it, but he faded 
to make any discovery, although he scoured the country for seven or eight nnles up tlie river. 1 encamped in tlie town 
that night, and the next mormng I cut up the corn, scarcely in the milk, burnt the cabins, mounted my young war- 
riors, squaws, and children, in the best manner in my power, and leaving two infirm squaws and a child, with a 
short talk (a copy of which I have the honor to enclose you) I commenced my march for he Kickapoo town in the 
1 felt my prisoners a vast incumbrance, but I was not in force to justify a detachment, having barely 523 




evening, about six miles from Kenapai-vj..uiHi'"i ">- .iv^'r" —;-"- , - > , , , ,, ' ' ,, , f.- 

moming at 4 o'clock; my course continued west, till nine o'clock, when I turned to the northwest, on a small 
huntin- path, and, at a short distance, I launched into the boundless prairies of the West with the. intention to 
pursue that course until I could strike a road, which leads from the Pattawatamies of lake Michigan, immediately 
to the town I sought; with this view I pushed forward, through bog after bog, to the saddle skirts, m mud and water; 
and after persevenng, for eight hours, I found myself environed, on all sides, with morasses, which forbade my 
advancing, and, at the same time, rendered it difficult for me to extricate my little army. The way by which we had 
entered wks «o much beat and softened by the horses, that it was almost impossible to return by that route, and my 
guides pronounced the morass, in front, impassable. A chain of thin groves, extending in the direction of the 
Wabash, at this time presented itself to my left; it was necessary I should gain these groves, and, for this purpose, 
I dismounted, went forward, and leading my horse through a bog, to the arm-pits in mud and water, with great 
difficulty and fatigue I accomplished my object ; and, changing my course to south by west, I regained the Tippe^ 
canoe road at 5 o'clock, and encamped on it at 7 o'clock, after a march of 30 miles, which broke down several of 
mv horses I am the more minute, in detailing the occurrences of this day, because they produced the most unfa- 
vorable effects. I was in xnotion at 4 o'clock next morning, and at 8 o clock my advanced guard made some 



1791.] THE CHEROKEES. 135 



discoveries, which induced me to believe we were near an Indian vilhige. I immediately pushed tliat body forward 
in a trot, and followed wrh Major Caldwell and the^2d l)attalion, leaving Major McDowell to take the charge of tlie 
prisoners. I reached Tippecanoe at 12 o'clock, which had been occupied by the enemy, who watched my motions 
and abandoned the place tnat morning. After the destruction of this town, in June last, the enemy had returned, 
and cultivated their corn and pulse, which I found in high perfection, and in much greater quantity than at 
I'Anguille. To refresh my horses, and give time to cut down the corn, I determined to halt till the next morning, 
and then to resume my march to the Kickapoo town, on the prairie, by the road which leads from Ouiatanon to 
that place. In the course of the day, I had discovered some murmurings and discontent amongst the men, wliich I 
found, on inquiry, to proceed from their reluctance to ad\ance farther into the enemy's country : this induced me 
to call for a state of the horses and provisions, when, to my great mortification, 270 horses were returned lame and 
tired, with barely five days' provisions for the men. Under these circumstances, I was compelled to abandon my 
designs upon the Kickapoos of the prairies, and, with a degree of anguish not to be comprehended but by those who 
have experienced similar disappointments, I marched forward to a town of the same nation, situate about three leagues 
west of^Ouiatanon : as I advanced to that town.^ the enemy made tome show of fighting me, but vanished at my 
approach. I destroyed this town, consisting of thirty houses, with a considerable quantity of corn in the milk, and 
the same day I moved on to Ouiatanon, where I forded the Wabash, and proceeded to the site of the villages, on 
the margin of the prairie, where I encamped, at 7 o'clock. At this town, and the villages destroyed by General Scott, 
in June, we found the corn had been replanted, and was now in high cultivation, several fields being well ploughed, 
all which was destroyed. On the 12th I resumed my march, and, falling into General Scott's return trace, I arrived, 
without any material incident, at the rapids of the Ohio, on the 21st instant, after a march, by accurate computa- 
tion, of 451 miles from fort Washington. 

The volunteers of Kentucky have on this occasion acquitted themselves with their usual good conduct: but, as 
no opportunity offered for individual distinction, it would be unjust to give to one the plaudits to which all have an 
equal title. I cannot, however, in proprietv, forbear to express my warm approbation of the good conduct of my 
Majors, McDowell and Caldwell: and of Colonel Russel. who, in the character of a volunteer, without commission, 
led my advance; and I feel myself under obligations to Major Adair and Captain Parker, who acted immediately 
about my person, .for the services they rendered me, by the most prompt, active, and energetic exerti(ms. 

The services which I have been able to render, fall short of my wishes, my intention, and my expectation; but, , 
sir, when you reflect on the causes which checked my career and blasted my designs, I flatter myself you will 
believe every thing has been done which could be done in niy circumstances. I have destroyed the ciiief town of 
the Ouiatanon nation, and made prisoners of the sons and sisters of the king. I have burnt a respectable Kickapoo 
village, and cut down at least 430 acres of corn, chiefly in the milk. The,Ouiatanons, left without houses, home, 
or provision, must cease to war, and will find active employ to subsist their squaws and children during the impend- 
ing winter. Should these seiTices secure to the country which I immediately represented, and the corps which I 
had the honor to command, the favorable consideration of Government, I shall infer the approbation of my own con- 
duct, which, added to a consciousness of having done my duty, will constitute the richest reward I can enjoy. 

Mr. Charles Vancouver will have the honor to deliver this letter to your Excellency, whoattended me as quarter- 
master to the expedition, and rendered me important services, lie is able to give you a satisfactory idea of 
the situation of the country over which I passed, and can ascertain w ith precision the course and distance to any 
point of my route. I recommend him to you as a gentleman of wortli. 

With the warmest and most perfect respect, I have the honor to be, your Excellency's obliged, obedient, and 
most faithful ser^■ant, 

JAS. WILKINSON. 
His Exc'y Maj. Gen. St. Claik, Fort Washington. 



' To the Indian nations living oii the river Tf abash, and its waters: 

The arms of the United States are again exerted against you, and again your towns are in flames, and your 
wives and children made captives; again you are cautiimed to listen to the voice of reason, to sue for peace, and 
submit to the protection of the United States, who are willing to become your fiiends and fathers, but, at the same 
time, are determined to punish vou for every injury you may offer to their children. Regard not those evil coun- 
sellors who, to secure to themselves the benefits of your trade, advise you to measures which involve you, your 
women and children, in trouble and distress. The United States wish to give you peace, because it is good in the 
eyes of the Great Spirit tliat all his children should unite and live like brothers; but, if vou foolishly prefer war, 
their warriors are ready to meet you in battle, and will not be the first to lay down the hatcnet. You may find your 
squaws alid your children under the protection of our great chief and wa,rrior General St Clair, at fort W ashington. 
To him you will make all applications for an exchange of prisoners or for peace. , 

Given under my hand and seal, at Kenapacomaqua, the 9tli day of August, 1791. 

- JAS. WILKINSON, Lt. Col ComPdt 



£d Congress.] ■ ■ , ]Vo. 21. ' [IstSfissioN. 



THE CHEROKEES. • 

COMMUNICATED TO THE SENATE, NOVEMBER 9, 1791. 

Mr. Hawkins, from the committee to whom was referred the message of the President of the United States, of 
the 26th of October last, transmitting a treaty recently made with the Cherokee Indians, reported: 

That they have examined the said treaty, and find it strictly conformable to the instructions given by the Presi- 
dent of the United States; 

That these instructions were founded on the advice and consent of the Senate, of the llth of August, 1790; 

That the stipulations in the 14th article are similar to those gratuitously promised to the Creeks; and, although 
they form an excess to the sum limited in the resolution aforesaid, yet, from the beneficial effects likely to be pro- 
duced thereby, cannot be objectionable. 

That a new boundary has been arranged, which embraces the people settled to the south of French Broad, and 
between the same and the ridge which divides the waters running into Little river, and from those running into the 
Tennessee. That the boundary, in other respects, is nearly the same as that established at Hopewell. 

The committee are therefore of opinion, that the Senate advise and consent to the ratification of said treaty. 



13G INDIAN AFFAIRS. [1791. 



2d Congress.] No. 22. [1st Session-. 



ST. CLAIR'S DEFEAT BY THE INDIANS. 

COMMUNICATED TO CONGRESS,^ DECEMBER 12,1791. 

Genllemen of the Senate 

and of the House of Representatives: 
It is with great concern that I communicate to you the information received from Major General St. Clair, of 
the misfortune whicli has befallen the troops under his command. 

Although the national loss is considerable according to the scale of the event, yet it may be repaired without 
great difficulty, excepting as to the brave men who have fallen on the occasion, and who are a subject of public as 
well as private regret. 

A further communication will shortly be made of all such matters as shall be necessary to enable the Legislature 
to judge of the future measures which it may be proper to pursue. 

' . GEO. WASHINGTON. 

United States, December I2th, 1791. 



, Copy of u letter from General St. Clair to the Secretary of War. 

Fort Washington, October &th.,\7^\. 
Sir: . . . 

I have now the satisfaction to infonn you, that the army moved from fort Hamilton, tlie name I have given to 
the fort on the Miami, on the 4tii, at eiglit in tlie morning, under tiie command of General Butler. The order ot 
march and encampment I iiad regulated before, and on the 3d returned to tliis place to get up the militia; they 
marched yesterday, and consist of but about three hundred men, as you will see by the enclosed abstract of the 
muster. I have reason to believe, however, that at least an equal number will be up here by the 10th, and I have 
left orders for their following us. The monthly return should have accompanied this letter, but it was not ready 
when I left camp, and has not been forwarded since. I have hitherto found it impossible to reduce the officers 
commanding corps to punctuality with respect to their returns, but they are mending; our numbers, after deducting 
the garrisons of tliis place and fort Hamilton, are about two thousand, exclusive of the militia. I trust I shall find 
them sufficient, and should the rest of the militia come on, it will make the matter pretty certain; but the season is 
now so far advanced, that I fear the intermediate posts, which would indeed have been highly necessary, it will be 
impossible to establish. In that, however, I must be governed by circumstances, of which I will take care that you 
shall be apprised in due time. Should the enemy come to meet us, which seems to be expected, and be discomfited, 
there will be no difficulties; but if they expect us at the Miami villages, the business will wear another face, and the 
intermediate posts become more essential. Since the quartermaster has been here, and got into his gears, which 
it took iiim a little time to do, I am very well satisfied with him, and do believe that he wul answer the description 
you were pleased to give me of him. His business seems now to be well arranged. ' 

In order to communicate with some degree of certainty with your office, I have directed Captain Buell, when he 
arrives, to send a sergeant and twelve men to a house that has been newly erected half way between this place and 
Lexington, to eacli ot which two men are to be sent oif on every Monday morning to carry despatches; those for the 
War Oftice, or any other public letters, to be put into the hands of Mr. Charles Wilkins, merchant of Lexington, 
who has engaged to forward all I have occasion to send, regularly once a fortnight; and should you, sir, think proper 
to use the same route for any of yours, if they are sent to Ins care he will forward them to me. I have been led to 
prefer tliis channel of communication to that of the river, because it appears to be rather the more certain of tlie 
two, though it may be a little more tedious, and because desertion continues to prevail among the troops, 
and the sending small parties to such a distance gives great opportunity to effect it. General Butler informs me 
that no less than twenty-one went off the night before the army moved from fort Hamilton. I am this moment setting 
out for the army, which I hone to overtake to-morrow evening, and will write to you again as soon after as may be. 
With great regard ana respect, I have the lionor to be, sir, your very humble servant, 

ARTHUR ST. CLAIR. 
The Hon. Major General Knox, Secretary of War. 

P. S. The officers have it in their power to receive a part of their rations, or the whole, and where they take a 
part only, to be paid for what is retained, at the contract price. The contractor's agents say tliey have no money to 
pay for retained rations, and where they have given certificates, or what they call due bills, refuse to discharge them, 
unless what they think proper to give, and at what price they think proper, is taken in place of them. Some means 
to prevent this abuse should be fallen upon. The whole rations are made up in the abstracts; were those to be 
accompanied with a list of the certificates given in the period of the abstract, which they should be obliged to give, 
the money might be stopped at the treasury, and the officers would be sure of it. At present, it is very hard upon 
them. This instant I hear of two hundred men, militia, about fifteen miles off. 



Copy of a letter from General St. Clair to the Secretary of JVar. 

November 1st, 1791. 



Camp, eighty-one miles advanced of Fort Washington, 7 



Sir: ' . ' - . 

Since I had the honor to write to you on the, 2rst instant, nothing very material has happened; and, indeed, 
I am at present so unwell (and have been so for some time past) that I could ill detail it, if it had happened. Not 
that that space of time has been entirely barren of incidents, but, as few of them have been of the agreeable kind, I 
beg you to accept a sort of journal account of them, which will be the easiest for me. 

On the 22d, the indisposition that had hung about me for some time, sometimes appearing as a bilious cliolic, and 
sometimes as a rheumatic asthma, to my great satisfaction changed to a gout in the left arm and hand, leaving the 
breast and stomach perfectly relieved, and the cough, which had been excessive, entirely gone. This day, Mr. 
Ellis, with sixty militia from Kentucky, joined the army, and lirought up a quantity of flour and beef. 

23d. — Two men taken in the act of deserting to the enemy, and one for shooting another soldier and threatening 
to kill an officer, were hanged upon the grand parade, the whole army being drawn out. Since the army has halted, 
the country around this and ahead for fifteen miles, has been well examined; it is a country which, had we arrived 
a month sooner in it, and with three times the number of animals, they would have been all fat now. 

24th.— Named the fort Jefferson, (it lies in lat. 40° 4' 22" north,) and marched, the same Indian path sei-ving to 
conduct us about six miles, and encamped on good ground and an excellent position — a rivulet in front, and a very 
large prairie, which would, at the proper season, afford forage for a thousand horses on the left. So ill this day, 
that I had much difficulty in keeping witli the army. 

25th. — Very hard rains last night; obliged to halt to-day, on^account ot provision: for though the soldiers may be 
kept pretty easy in camp, under the expectation of provision arriving, they cannot bear to marcli in advance, and 



1791.] ST. CLAIR'S DEFEAT BY THE INDIANS. 137 

take none along witli them. I received a letter from Mr, Hodgdon by express; thirteen thousand pounds of flour 
will arrive on tlie 27th. 

26th. — A party of militia, sent to reconnoitre, fell in with five Indians, and suffered them to slip through their fin- 
gers; in their camp, articles to the value of twenty-five dollars were found and divided. The \irginia battalion is 
melting down very fast, notwithstanding the promises of the men to the officers; thirteen have been discharged by 
Colonel Dark to-day. 

27th. — Gave orders for enlisting the levies, with the condition of serving out their time in their present corps. 
Piomingo arrived in camp \yith his w;arriors; I Avas so unwell, I could only see him and bid him welcome, but 
entered on no business; considerable dissatisfaction among the levies about their enlistments. 

28th. — Some clothing sent for to fort Washington, for tlie recruits, arrived; was begun to be distributed, and will 
have a good effect; but the enlisting the levies does not meet with the encouragement that might have been expected. 
It is not openly complained of by the officers, but it is certainly, privately, by some of high rank, and the measure 
of tempting them with warm clothing condemned. Mr. Hodgdon writes me that he is sending forward a quantity 
of woollen overalls and socks, by General Butler's orders. I have ordered them to be deposited at fort Jefferson. 
Some few Indians about us, probably those the militia fell in with a day or two ago. Two of the levies were fired 
upon about three miles off": 'one killed, two of the militia likewise, one of them got in, the other missing, sup- 
posed to be taken. 

29th. — Piomingo and his people, accompanied by Captain Sparks and four good riflemen, gone on a scout; they 
do not propose to return under ten days, unless they sooner succeed in taking prisoners and scalps. 

30th. — The army moved about nine o'clock, and, M'itli much difficulty, made seven miles, having left a consider- 
able part of the tents by the way; the provision niade by the quartermaster for that purpose was not adequate; tluee 
days' flour issued to the men, to add the horses that carried it to his arrangements; the Indian road still with us, the 
course this day north 2.'5° west. 

31st. — This morning about sixty of the militia deserted: it was at first reported that one half of them had gone 
off", and that their design was to plunder the convoys which were upon the roads; detached the first regiment in pur- 
suit of them, witii orders to Major Hamtramck to send a sufficient guard back with Benham, whenever he met with 
him, and follow them about twenty-five miles below fort Jetferson, or until he met the second convoy, and then 
return and join the army. 

Benham arrived last night, and to-day, November 1st, the army is halted to give the road-cutters an opportunity 
of getting some distance ahead, and that I might write to you. I am this day considerably recovered, and nope that 
it will turn out what I at first expected it would be, a friendly fit of the gout, come to relieve me from every other 
complaint. 

Yesterday I was favored with yours of the 28th and 29th September. I have enclosed my communications with 
the old and new contractors, and their answers. My orders for the posts to them are not yet definite, but they will 
be very soon; in the mean time, I expect they are both at work. 

YYith great respect, I haxe the honor to be, &c. 

AR. ST. CLAIR. 
The Hon. Major General K\ox, Secretary of Tf'ar. 

Your letters for General Wilkinson and General Scott, Mr. Innes and Mr. Brown, are sent back, and the public 
thanks, in the name of the President, presented to General Wilkinson, agreeably to your directions. 



Copy of a letter from Major General St. Clair to the Secretary for the Department of War. 

. Fort Washington, November 9th, 1791. 

Sir: 

Yesterday afternoon, the remains of the army under my command got back to this place, and I have now the 
painful task to give you an account of as warm and as unfortunate an action as almost any that has been fought, in 
which every corps was engaged and worsted, except the first regiment. That had been detached upon a service I 
had the honor to infiirm you of in my last despatch, and had not joined me. 

On the 3d instant, the army had reached a creek about twelve yards wide, ninning to tlie southward of west, 
which I believe to have been the river St. Mary, that empties itself into the Miami of the lake at Miami village, 
about four o'clock in the afternoon, having marched near nine miles, and were immediately encamped upon a very 
commanding piece of ground, in two lines, having the above mentioned creek in front. The right wing, composed 
of Butler's, Clarke'Sj and PatersOn's battalions, commanded by Major General Butler, formed the first line, and 
the left wing, consisting of Bedinger's and Gaither's battalions, and the second regiment, commanded by Lieutenant 
Colonel Dark, formed the second line, with an interval between them of about seventy yards, which was all the 
ground would allow. The right flank was pretty well secured by the creek; a steep bank, and Faulkner's corps, 
some of the cavalry, and their picquets, covered the left flank. The militia were thrown over the creek, ancf 
advanced about one quarter of a mile, and encamped in the same order. There were a few Indians who appeared 
on the opposite side of the creek, but fled with the utmost precipitation, on the advance of the militia. At this place, 
which I judged to be about fifteen miles from the Miami village, I Jiad determined to throw a slight work, the plan 
of which was concerted that evening witii Major Ferguson, wherein to have deposited the men's knapsacks, and 
every thing else that was not of absolute necessity, and to have moved on to attack the enemy as soon as the first 
regiment was come up. But tliey did not permit me to execute either: for, on the fourtii, about half an hour before 
sun-rise, and when the men had been just dismissed from the parade, (for it was a constant practice to have them all 
under arms a considerable time before day-light) an attack was made upon the militia. 'I hose gave way in a very 
little time, and rushed into camp through Major Butler's battalion, whicli, together with part of Clark's, they threw 
into considerable disorder, and which, notwithstanding the exertions of botli those officers, was never altogether 
remedied, the Indians following close at their heels. The fire, however, of the front line, checked them, but almost 
instantly a very heavy attack began upon that line, and in a few minutes it was extended to the secpnd like- 
wise. The great weight of it was directed against the centre of each, where the artillery was placed, and from 
which the men were repeatedly driven with great slaughter. Finding no great eft"ect from our fire, and confusion 
beginning to spread from the great number of men who were falling in all quarters, it became necessary to try what 
could be done by the bayonet. Lieutenant Colonel Dark was accordingly ordered to make a charge with part of the 
second line, and to turn the left flank of the enemy. This was executed with great spirit. The Indians instantly 
gave way, and were driven back three or four hundred yards; but for want ot a sufficient number of riflemen to 
pursue this advantage, they soon returned, and the troops were obliged to give back in their turn. At this moment 
they had entered our camp by the left flank, having pushed back the troops that were posted there. Another charge 
was made here by the second regiment, Butler's and Clarke's battalions, with equal eff'ect, and it was repeated several 
times, and always with success; but in all of them, many men were lost, and particularly the officers, which, with 
so raw troops, was a loss altogether irremediable. In that I just spoke of, made by the second regiment and Butler's 
battalion. Major Butler was dangerously wounded, and every officer of the second regiment fell except three, one of 
which, Mr. Greaton, was shot through the body. Our artillery being now silenced, and all the officers killed except 
Captain Ford, who was very badly wounded, anil more than half of the army fallen, being cut off" from the road, it 
became necessary to attempt the regaining it, and to make a retreat, if possible. To this purpose, the remains of 
the army was formed as well as circumstances would admit, towards the right of the encampment, from which, by 
the way of the second line, another charge was made upon the enemy, as if with the design to turn their right flank, 
but in fact, to gain the road. This was effected, and as soon as it was open, the militia took along it, followed by 
the troops; Major Clarke, with his battalion, covering the rear. The retreat, in tiiose circumstances, was, you may 
be sure, a very precipitate one. It was, in fiict, a flight. Tlie camp and the artillery were abandoned; but that was 



138 



INDIAN AFFAIRS. 



[1791. 



tinavoidable: for not a liorse was left alive to have drawn it off, had it otiierwise been practicable. But the most 
disgraceful part of the business is, that the greatest part of the men threw away their arms and accouti'ements, even 
alter the pursuit, which continued about four miles. Iiad ceased. I found the road strewed with them for many 
miles, but was not able to remedy it: for, having had all my horses killed, and being mounted upon one that could 
not be pricked out of a walk, I could not get forward myself; and the orders I sent forward, either to halt the front, 
or to prevent the men from parting with their arms, were unattended to. The rout continued quite to fort Jefferson, 
twenty-nine miles, which was reached a little after sun-setting. The action began about half an hour before sun- 
rise, .and the retreat was attempted at a half an hour after nine o'clock. I have not yet been able to get returns of 
the killed and wounded; but IVIajor General Butler, Lieutenant Colonel Oldham, of the militia. Major Ferguson, 
Major Heart, and Major Clarke, are among the former; Colonel Sargent, my Adjutant General, Lieutenant Colonel 
Dark, Lieutenant Colonel Gibson, Major Butler, and the Viscount Malartie, who served me as an aid-de-camp, 
are among the latter, and a great number of captains and subalterns in both. 

I have now, sir, finished my melancholy tale — a tale that will be felt sensibly by every one that has sympathy for 
private distress, or foi- public misfortune. I have nothing, sir, to lay to the charge of the troops, but their want of 
discipline^ which, from the short time they had been in service, it was impossible they should have acquired, and 
which rendered it very difficult, when they were thrown into confusion, to reduce them again to order, and is one 
reason why the loss has fallen so heavy upon the officers, who did every thing in their power to effect it. Neither 
were my own exertions wanting; but, worn down with illness, and suffering under a painful disease, unable either to 
mount or dismount a horse without assistance, they were not so great as they otherwise would, and perhaps ought to 
have been. We were overpov.'ered by numbers; but it is no more than justice to observe, that, though composed of 
so many different species of troojis, the utmost harmony prevailed through the whole army during the campaign. 

At fort Jefferson, I found the first regiment, ^vhich haa returned from the service they had been sent upon, with- 
out either overtaking the deserters, or meeting the convoy of provisions. I am not certain, sir, whether I ought to 
consider the absence of this regiment from the field of action, as fortunate or otherwise. I incline to think it was 
fortunate: for, I very much doubt whether, had it been in the action, the fortune of the day had been turned; and 
if it had not, the triumph of the enemy would have been more complete, and the country would have been destitute 
of every means of defence. • 

Taking a \ iew of the situation of our broken troops at fort Jefferson, and that there was no provision in the fort, 
I called upon the field officers, viz. Lieutenant Colonel Dark, Major Hamtramck, Major Zeigler, and Major 
Gaither, together with the adjutant general, for their advice what would be proper further to be done; and it was 
their unanimous opinion, that the addition of the first regiment, unbroken as it was, did not put the army on so 
respectable a foot as it was in the morning, because a great part of it was now unarmed; that it had been then found 
u /J equal to the enemy, and should they come on, which was probable, would be found so again. That the troops 
could not be thrown into tlie fort, both because it was too small, and that there were no provisions in it. That pro- 
visions were known to be upon the road, at the distance of one, or at most two marches; that, therefore, it would 
be proper to move, without loss of time, to meet the provisions, when the men might have the sooner an opportunity 
of some refreshment, and that a proper detachment might be sent back with it, to have it safely deposited in the 
fort. This advice was accepted, and the army was put in motion again at ten o'clock, and marclied all night, and 
the succeeding day met with a quantity of flour. Part of it was distributed immediately, part taken back to sup- 
ply the army on tlie inarch to fort Hamilton, and the remainder, about fifty horse loads, sent forward to fort Jeffer- 
son. The next day, a drove of cattle was met with for the same place, and I have information that both got in. The 
wounded who had been left at that place, were ordered to be brought here by the return horses. 

I have said, sir, in a former part of this letter, that we were overpowered by numbers. Of that, however, I have 
no other evidence but the weight of the fire, which was always a most deadly one, and generally delivered from the 
ground — few of the enemy sliewing themselves afoot, except when fhey were charged; and that, in a few minutes, our 
wliole camp, which extended above three hundred and fifty yards in length, was entirely surrounded, and attacked 
on all quarters. 

The loss, sir, the public has sustained by the fall of so many officers, particularly General Butler and Major 
Ferguson, cannot be too much regretted; but it is a circumstance that will alleviate the misfortune in some measure, 
that all of them fell most gallantly doing their duty. I have had very particular obligations to many of them, as 
well as to the survivors, but to none more than to Colonel Sargent. He has discharged the various duties of his 
office with zeal, with exactness, and with intelligence, and on all occasions, afforded me every assistance in his 
power, which I have also experienced from my aid-de-camp. Lieutenant Denny, and the Viscount Malartie, who 
served with me in the station as a volunteer. 

Witli every sentiment of respect and regard, I have the honor to be, sir, your most obedient servant, 

AR. ST. CLAIR. ; 
The Honorable Major General Knox, Secretary of War. ' i 

P. S. Some orders that had been given to Colonel Oldham over night, and which were of much consequence, 
were not executed; and some very material intelligence was communicated by Captain Hough to General Butler, 
in the course of the night, before the action, whicli was never imparted to me, nor did I hear of it until after my 
arrival here. 



List of the killed dnd wounded Officers in the battle of the 4ih of November, 179L 



KILLED. 



Major General Richard Butler. 
Lieut. Colonel Oldham, K'y militia. 
Majors .... Ferguson, 

Clarke, and 

Hart. 
Captains . . . Bradford, 

Phelon, 

Kirkwood, 

Price, 

Van Swearingen* 

Tipton, 

Smith. 

Purdy, 



Lieut. Colonels Gibson, 

Darke, 

Sargent, Adjt. Gen. 

Major Butler. 

Captains . . . Doyle, 

Trueman, 

Ford, 

Buchannen, 

Dark, 



Captains 



Lieutenants 



Captain . . 
Lieutenants 



. . Piatt, 


Lieutenant . . Lickins. 


Guthrie, 


Ensigns .... Cobb, 


Cribbs, and 


Balch, 


Newman. 


Chace, 


1 , . Spear, 
. Warren, 


Turner, 


Wilson, 


Boyd, 


Brooks, 


McMath, 


Beatty, 


Burgess, 


Purdy. 


Kelso, 


Quartermasters Reynolds, 


Read, 


Ward. 


Little, 


Adjutant . . . Anderson. 


Hopper, and 


Doctor .... Grasson. 


WOUNDED. 




. . Hough. 


Adjutants . . . Whistler, 


. . Greaton, 


Crawford.